Chapter 6 Will Xi Jinping’s Road Work? (3)

The first is the tens of millions of three-no-peasants over the years. The three-no-peasants are those who have no land, no base land for houses and their houses have been demolished and they have no jobs. The largest estimated number is 60 million or at least 30 million. The main part of the drifters is them, which has become very dangerous. They are people without any social security at the bottom of the social ladder and are struggling to live. Their motivation to change their situation is very strong except that they are a peasant class and unorganized. Once they are taken hostage by other organizations and other political forces, the destructive power of this group of people is very big.

The second is the military veterans. In recent years, their unsolved problem is very much, many issues have not been properly resolved after they leave the military as veterans.

The third force is the religious opposition – the underground churches and religious organizations in Beijing and across the country. Also the folk Buddhist and Taoist organizations have been highly suppressed over the years.
 
The fourth force is the opposition forces in the border minority areas.
 
The fifth force is the petitioners floating in the middle layer of the society due to various forced demolitions, various legal cases of injustice and insufficient compensation for layoffs over the years.

The sixth force is the college graduates who cannot be fully employed. These people are the emerging post-80s and post-90s people with good internet technology and strong modern awareness. In the future, they will form a big impact force like in the Jasmine Revolution and become the main body of it.
 
The seventh kind is the intellectuals. No dynasty in ancient China would offend all the intellectuals on the left or right. Except for a few  flattering intellectuals, the entire intellectual community, both the left and right wings say they are bad. It is unprecedented for a ruling authority to have the entire intellectual community criticize him and to continue to criticize him with increasing intensity.
 
Feng Chongyi describes the liberalism group in China that opposes Xi Jinping’s totalitarianism from a different perspective. He argues that, in fact, the positive forces of Chinese society, especially the six strands of the Chinese liberalism group, have been resisting Xi Jinping’s Red second generation perversions and restoration of comebacks as hard as they can.

One is the liberal intellectuals or liberal public intellectuals. Despite more restrictions on their speech, they continue to speak out for the cause of constitutional democracy, pursuing rights of freedom and social justice, spreading constitutional ideas, attacking authoritarian corruption and exploring the path of transformation.

The second is the intra-party democrats. Although they have finally lost the last two collective speech platforms, Yanhuang Chunqiu and Gong shi website, their ideal goal of pursuing constitutional democracy has become clearer. They are still fighting separately in a piecemeal manner, while turning into a latent force waiting for an opportunity to move.

The Third are the dissidents of the pro-democracy movement. They have lost almost all of their space for activities in China but are still holding high the banner of freedom, democracy, human rights, constitutionalism, and rule of law, holding on to their overseas positions and maintaining inextricable ties with the domestic public.
 
The Fourth is the Christian liberals and other people who advocate freedom of religious belief.

The Fifth is the defense rights lawyers. In the past few years, they have become the main target of the CCP’s crackdown but they have not been defeated. The protest team has been strengthened by the support of the legal community and other people, both explicitly and implicitly. Especially the “709 Lawyers” and their supporters have bravely faced the harsh suppression of the CCP and State system without fear or disorganization.

Sixth is the grassroots human rights activists. They are still tenaciously fighting on the front line of civil rights defense, both rising up to fight head-on against the CCP’s fighters when they can’t stand it anymore, and adopting a roundabout strategy of stalking and soft resistance. Even in the face of the CCP’s harsh “net-cleaning” campaign, WeChat groups with constitutional democracy as their core belief have spread across the internet.

These six liberal groups in China today have formed a large, invisible coalition of liberal democracy.