Chapter 4 What Exactly Is Xi Jinping Up To? (3)

The theory of totalitarianism divides totalitarianism and totalitarianism, and post-totalitarianism. We have already analyzed totalitarianism and will not repeat it. The so-called post-totalitarian era, as Mr. Li Shenzhi puts it, is the period when the original momentum of totalitarianism has been exhausted. In the words of the Soviet writer Almarik, it is the period when the ‘general clockwork of the revolution has been loosened’. The powers that be have lost the originality and harshness that their predecessors possessed. But the system still works largely as it is, by inertia or original force. The powers have to speak a little more of the rule of law than they did in the past and consumerism is becoming more prevalent and corruption is increasing. But society is still as indifferent and inhuman as ever and ‘the center of power is still the center of truth’. The highest principle of this society is ‘stability’. And in order to maintain stability, the basic conditions on which it functions remain: fear and panic. The pervasive omnipresent fear has created pervasive and omnipresent lies.
  
There is a fundamental difference between totalitarianism and authoritarianism. Cai Xia points out that “although totalitarianism and authoritarianism are both authoritarian dictatorships, there are clear differences between them. Political scientist Giovanni Sartori distinguishes between different types of authoritarian dictatorships. By analyzing the core features of different types of dictatorships in light of Sartori’s theory, it is clear that the Chinese Communist regime is totalitarian rather than authoritarian.
 
A distinguished scholar Brzezinski’s research of communist systems points to a similar conclusion. He writes: “The two defining dimensions of totalitarianism are fear + ideology. It is the extreme combination of the two that creates the other features of the system. The extremity of totalitarianism, its rigidity and the tightness of its control dictate that a direct advance from totalitarianism to liberal democracy is impossible; a loosening of totalitarianism to authoritarianism must precede it.”
 
Third, what exactly is Xi Jinping up to?
 
After nine years of observation of the Xi Jinping regime, I believe Xi Jinping wants to revive Deng Xiaoping (including Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao) post-totalitarianism to totalitarianism in order to build a fascist Red Empire to rival the Western world. My view is a synthesis of Feng Chongyi’s view and Li Weidong’s view. Feng Chongyi defines the essence of the Xi Jinping era theoretically whereas Li Weidong explains the path of the Xi Jinping era practically.
 
Specifically, I argue that the Mao era is the Chinese version of totalitarianism, which is subordinate to Soviet left-wing totalitarianism, although there are also many differences between them. The Deng Xiaoping era was post-totalitarianism. The path Xi Jinping wants to take is to return from the Deng Xiaoping era of post-totalitarianism to Mao’s totalitarianism.
 
The Xi era has not bid farewell to the Deng Xiaoping era; it has continued to open up to the outside world and “grasp with both hands and make both hands hard”. But there are also major differences between them. That’s why Xi’s line has Mao’s and Deng’s overtones. But it seems Mao is not Mao, and it seems like Deng is not Deng. Mao’s overtones are heavier than Deng’s. Xi Jinping’s era is still evolving and his red empire is not yet built.
 
To sum up, I believe that after the end of Mao’s totalitarian era, China has entered the post-totalitarian era of Deng Xiaoping. On the other hand, the Xi Jinping era is the return of the post-totalitarian era to the totalitarian era, which looks to complete the historical cycle of Chinese totalitarianism and draw a totalitarian circle: it begins with Mao and ends with Xi Jinping.