One day, Mao realized there was still one departed soul he had not met—the Panchen Lama.

Mao recalled that in the 1950s the Panchen Lama had been very friendly toward him, yet later Mao had wrongly criticized him as reactionary and counterrevolutionary, causing him ten years of imprisonment and fifteen years of injustice. After the Panchen Lama passed away in 1989, his remains were enshrined in a stupa in Shigatse.

With arrangements made by the Jade Emperor, the two spirits met.

Mao stepped forward to greet him. “Thank you for coming. You died too young. It is a pity!”

Panchen Lama replied, “My personal fate is small; Tibet’s fate is great; the Tibetan people’s fate is great. The Tibet issue has not been satisfactorily resolved. I cannot rest in peace. In the 1950s I trusted you and the Communist Party, maintained friendly relations with Beijing for years, and hailed you as ‘Long live.’ You said I too was a leader—a national leader. In Tibet people were to shout ‘Long live the Dalai Lama!’ and ‘Long live the Panchen Lama!’ Encouraged by you, I began learning Chinese. After three years I had mastered two or three thousand characters and could read Chinese documents and newspapers. I studied Chinese history and Party history.

“But beginning in 1955, when you forcibly carried out socialist transformation, unrest broke out in Tibetan areas. You called it rebellion. Many monasteries were destroyed, monks were forced to return to secular life, and many ordinary people were labeled rebels. I actively supported reforming the feudal serf system. My father followed the trend, apologized publicly, and expressed willingness to reform himself. Yet in the mass campaigns you launched, my father was still beaten.

“In November 1956, the Dalai Lama and I went to India on pilgrimage and visits. He sought assistance from Prime Minister Nehru and political asylum. Zhou Enlai went to India to persuade him to return. I declared I would abide by the Seventeen-Point Agreement and returned to China first.”

Mao said, “You never wavered.”

The Panchen Lama continued: “On March 10, 1959, resistance erupted in Lhasa and fighting broke out with the People’s Liberation Army. The Dalai Lama left for India. Zhou Enlai appointed me acting chairman. In April I went to Beijing, supported quelling the unrest and democratic reforms, and proposed ‘the Constitution entering the monastery’—democratic management of monasteries and reducing monks by half.

“On January 23, 1961, I met you. You said, ‘Right deviation inevitably produces Left; it was wrong to confiscate your parents’ home.’ You also said, ‘There were once 110,000 monks; now only a few thousand remain. A hundred thousand engaging in production benefits economic development.’ You told me, ‘If you have grievances, voice them.’ You said Tibet needed to correct Leftist errors.

“In September 1961 I went to Beijing for National Day, then spent half a year inspecting Tibetan areas in Tibet, Sichuan, Qinghai, and Yunnan. I discovered problems with people’s communes and the implementation of ethnic, religious, and united front policies. I questioned Sichuan cadres: ‘The Communist Party serves the people—why do you not speak for them? Why close your eyes to their suffering?’ I said in Ganzi and Aba the suppression of rebellion had been expanded excessively; many working people were labeled rebels; monasteries were destroyed; monks forced to return to secular life; many went hungry, some starved to death.”

“I believed it necessary to report these problems to the central authorities. Those around me opposed it. My tutor, the Living Buddha Enju, strongly advised against it, recalling the Anti-Rightist Campaign and the Lushan Conference. He warned that if I encountered misfortune, the entire Tibetan region would lose its pillar. But I said, ‘If the nation prospers, the people are happy, and Buddhism flourishes, I will not regret personal injustice.’ I drafted the ‘Seventy-Thousand-Character Petition’ in Tibetan over five months.

“In May 1962, at a national conference, the president of the Buddhist Association said sharply: ‘Your actions have lost people’s hearts. Things Chiang Kai-shek and Ma Bufang did not do, you have done. You love numbers; I will give you numbers: one—lies; two—no admission of mistakes; three—persecuting people; four—no Buddha’s compassion.’

“In summer 1962, I submitted my petition to the State Council. I said the errors in suppressing rebellion and democratic reform were extremely grave—amounting to destroying the Tibetan people and religion. Buddhism was on the verge of extinction. The Party’s struggle methods—shouting, beating, torture—caused deaths. The Tibetan population had declined; many young men were imprisoned. If not corrected, Tibet faced catastrophe.”

Mao said, “The problems you raised—I later recognized they did exist. The responsibility was mine.”

The Panchen Lama continued: “Initially the central authorities took the petition seriously. Li Weihan and Zhang Jingwu discussed solutions with me, forming four important documents to improve cooperation, religious freedom, handling of rebels, and cadre training. Zhou Enlai met me again and said the issues must be resolved.

“But in September at the Beidaihe meeting, you stressed class struggle and criticized Li Weihan. After reading my petition, you labeled it a counterattack of class enemies. I was accused of launching an attack on the Party, echoing Peng Dehuai’s ‘Eighty-Thousand-Character Petition.’ I could not bear it. Seeing the people suffer, I could not remain silent.

“In 1963–64 I was confined. In early 1964 at a large religious gathering in Lhasa, I spoke of Tibet’s right to independence and praised the Dalai Lama. I was immediately detained, secretly interrogated, accused of plotting rebellion. My home was searched; divination texts were used as evidence. I became the main target of class struggle in Tibet. Fortunately, Zhou Enlai arranged for me to move to Beijing, retaining my vice-chairman rank but assigned to labor reform.”

Mao said, “That was indeed unjust.”

The Panchen Lama continued: “When the Cultural Revolution began, Red Guards stormed my residence, held struggle sessions, and imprisoned me. In February 1968 I was confined in Qincheng Prison and suffered greatly. I demanded to be criticized publicly rather than hidden. Because my Chinese was weak, I asked for a Xinhua Dictionary and memorized it repeatedly. I studied your quotations, your poems, and newspapers. By the time I was released, my Chinese and knowledge had improved greatly. The dictionary became my teacher.

“In October 1977, the year after your death, I was released, though still monitored. I lived as an ordinary person—rising early, reciting scriptures, jogging with citizens, greeting strangers. Two years later I married Li Jie and later had a daughter. I regained happiness. Thanks to Deng Xiaoping, in 1980 I was again elected Vice Chairman of the National People’s Congress, resumed visits abroad, and returned to work in Tibet.”

Mao asked, “How are Tibetans living now? What problems remain?”

The Panchen Lama replied, “Life is much better than before. The greatest issue is that the Dalai Lama remains in exile; Tibetan hearts remain unsettled. I hope he will return soon. Then Tibet’s greatest problem will be resolved.”

Having said what needed to be said, they bid each other farewell.

NEXT: 91. Tian Han (1898–1968)