Part II: No use for the hound once the hare is caught

68. Deng Tuo (1912–1966)

Deng Tuo served for ten years as editor-in-chief of People’s Daily and was once regarded as the gatekeeper of the Chinese Communist Party’s ideology. He joined the Party at eighteen, and at thirty-two edited the first edition of Selected Works of Mao Zedong. At the very beginning of the Cultural Revolution, he became the first to commit suicide. At that time he was serving in the Beijing Municipal Committee. Only two days after the Cultural Revolution signal—the “May 16 Notice”—on the morning of May 18, 1966, Deng Tuo wrote a six-thousand-word farewell letter and took sleeping pills to end his life. He was fifty-four.

Because Mao’s crimes had never been reckoned with, Deng Tuo’s spirit found no peace after death and continually sought justice from the Jade Emperor. Hearing that Mao was searching everywhere for former subordinates to whom he might confess, Deng came on his own.

At midnight, Deng Tuo walked slowly and calmly to Mao’s side. Mao thought at first it was a specter come to claim his head and was startled. Looking closely, he recognized Deng Tuo. In 1957 Mao had once summoned Deng and several others to his bedroom while wearing pajamas and reprimanded Deng for four hours—an unforgettable impression.

Mao asked, “Aren’t you Deng Tuo, who committed suicide at the start of the Cultural Revolution?”

Deng replied, “Indeed. I have come tonight to seek clarification.”

Mao said, “The Cultural Revolution had only just begun. You had not even been arrested yet. Why did you kill yourself?”

Deng answered, “I did not want to wait until being arrested, imprisoned, humiliated, and tortured before dying. Taking sleeping pills was a more peaceful way to depart.”

Mao asked, “How did you know it would be your turn?”

Deng said, “In early May 1966 I was already named in PLA Daily. In the article ‘Open Fire on the Black Line Opposing the Party and Socialism,’ I was identified as ‘beating the drum and clearing the way for bourgeois restoration.’ Then Yao Wenyuan and Qi Benyu wrote further denunciations, exposing me as ‘a ringleader opposing the Party and socialism,’ even declaring, ‘What kind of person is Deng Tuo? It has now been verified that he is a traitor.’ Tell me, could I possibly escape? Even my guard was replaced—sent by the Central Cultural Revolution Group. The new guard was in fact a monitor. I could not escape. Better to end it myself than suffer.”

Mao said, “You were a talented man. From the old liberated areas to entering Beijing in 1949, and ten years as president and editor-in-chief of People’s Daily, you made great contributions.”

Deng replied, “While I presided over People’s Daily, my aim was to improve relations within the Party and between the Party and the masses, to create a harmonious social atmosphere. That did not suit your taste—you wanted struggle. Before the 1957 Anti-Rightist Movement, you summoned several of us from the newspaper and lectured us.”

Mao said, “I was very angry at that time.”

Deng continued, recounting the April 10, 1957 meeting in Mao’s bedroom at Zhongnanhai, where Mao, reclining in pajamas amid piles of books, criticized them for hours. Mao accused him of “running a newspaper like a scholar,” “like a dead man,” of “occupying the latrine without producing anything,” of resembling Emperor Yuan of Han—indecisive and unfit to rule. Deng had repeatedly offered to resign but was accused of “fake resignation.” Mao encouraged others to “rebel against Deng Tuo” and asked why no one reported to the Central Committee.

Mao nodded. “Yes, I said you ran the paper like a scholar, like a dead man—not hot enough. I wanted you to heat things up.”

Deng explained that he faithfully conveyed Mao’s criticisms to the staff. No one responded by attacking him. Two months later Mao sent Wu Lengxi to take over as editor-in-chief, effectively sidelining Deng. Deng said he understood early that the “Hundred Flowers” policy was deceptive; publishing outspoken articles would harm their authors. When the Anti-Rightist Movement began, those whose pieces he had withheld or edited came to understand his caution.

Mao replied bluntly, “The Communist Party exists to struggle. The greater the struggle, the better.”

Deng then recalled the 1958 Nanning Conference, where Mao criticized People’s Daily again and denounced him publicly. Deng felt his life was in danger. He once contemplated retreating to Tanzhe Temple to become a monk, but as a Party member even that freedom was denied him.

Later he was transferred to the Beijing Municipal Committee. There he wrote essays such as Yanshan Night Talks and Notes from Three-Family Village. Deng said these were gentle reflections written after the three years of famine, meant to stimulate thought, not to attack Mao. Mao responded that he understood they were indirect criticisms of the Great Leap Forward.

Deng continued: after Mao revived the emphasis on class struggle in 1962, even limited openness vanished. By the time of the Cultural Revolution, with his superior Peng Zhen overthrown and his own name publicly denounced, he knew his time had come. He chose to withdraw by suicide.

He described the fear in his household: his farewell letter urging his wife Ding Yilan and their children to forget him; the frantic destruction of a sealed envelope before guards awoke; the silence imposed after his death; his children learning the truth only two years later.

Mao said, “It seems you suffered injustice. Whether unjust or not, once I had no use for you, I cast you aside. Later you were rehabilitated, were you not?”

Deng replied, “Not until 1979 was I rehabilitated and my reputation restored. Hu Yaobang presided over my memorial service and spoke highly of me. My works were republished. In 1994 my former residence in Fuzhou was turned into a memorial hall.”

Mao said, “If in the end you received honor, what grievance remains?”

Deng answered, “The problem is that whether my death or that of others, the chief instigator was you. The Cultural Revolution was launched by you. The Jade Emperor has said that until the principal culprit confesses, the case is not closed, and the souls of the wronged cannot rest. That is why I have come tonight to settle accounts.”

Mao said, “I understand. I have also obtained the Jade Emperor’s permission to visit the wronged souls and seek release from the eighteenth level of hell.”

Deng responded firmly: “If you break your word, your guilt will only deepen. I expect to see your written confession soon. Otherwise I will return—I will not let this rest. Even now, China still hears only one voice. Officials dare not express differing opinions. That is the lingering poison of your autocracy, carried on by your successors. You must repent yourself and urge your successors to reflect as well.”

Deng, being a thoughtful intellectual, also reflected that he himself had once served the regime and thus bore a share of responsibility. Considering cause and effect, he said no more, rose, and took his leave.

NEXT: 69. Guo Moruo (1892–1978)