Huang Yanpei was a juren (provincial graduate) in the late Qing dynasty, and later an educator, industrialist, and political activist in the early Republic. He became famous for promoting vocational education. During the War of Resistance against Japan, he helped found the China Democratic League and served as its first chairman.

In 1945, he visited Yan’an and held a famous dialogue with Mao about the “cycle of history” (zhoulü). After 1949, he served as Vice Premier of the State Council. He opposed certain economic policies such as state monopoly procurement and distribution, and Mao labeled him “a spokesman for the capitalists.”

Huang maintained close correspondence with Mao throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Several of his children and relatives were labeled Rightists; during the Cultural Revolution, family members were persecuted, and tragic deaths occurred.

More than forty years after Mao’s death, whenever he thought of Huang’s wife and family members who had suffered or committed suicide under persecution, he worried they might accuse him before the Jade Emperor. He therefore resolved to see Huang Yanpei. The Jade Emperor notified him at once.

When Huang arrived, Mao said:

“Your wife was persecuted to suicide during the Cultural Revolution. One of your sons and his wife also took their own lives under persecution. Your granddaughter disappeared. Even I feel this tragedy was extreme.”

Huang replied: “My wife could not endure humiliation and ended her life. My son Huang Bixin was persecuted and hanged himself; his wife also committed suicide in detention. My fourteen-year-old granddaughter vanished. In heaven, I grieve deeply. Several of my children were labeled Rightists and suffered bitterly. I have asked the Jade Emperor to severely punish you as the chief culprit.”

Mao answered: “Your family’s destruction was not entirely my responsibility. In the early years of the People’s Republic, you united the industrial and commercial circles and contributed to economic recovery. You offered many proposals concerned with people’s welfare, though many conflicted with my socialist transformation. Had you aligned with me, things might have been different.”

Huang responded: “How could I simply align with you? Before the Anti-Rightist Campaign in 1957, you summoned Chen Shutong and me to Zhongnanhai. You were dissatisfied with the Democratic League’s performance in the Rectification Movement and wanted me to resume leadership. I realized you intended me to preside over the coming Anti-Rightist struggle. I refused—I would not strike others while they were down. That refusal displeased you.”

Mao said: “You did not appreciate the opportunity. I had no choice but to target you. During the rectification forums, you and Huang Shaohong of Guangxi made sharp criticisms. Huang Shaohong was labeled a major Rightist and later persecuted to death. You stood at the edge.”

Huang continued: “I knew the danger. Fortunately, Li Weihan protected me and advised silence. My wife concealed from me the fact that several of our children and relatives had been labeled Rightists. I only knew that my sons Huang Wanli and Huang Daneng were classified as such. When I asked you why, you replied coldly: ‘Your family also has left, center, and right!’”

Mao replied: “By 1957, it was no longer 1949. I was determined to complete socialist transformation and assume leadership in the international communist movement. I no longer needed you. During the Cultural Revolution, you were naturally cleared away.”

Huang then recalled: “In 1945, during our visit to Yan’an, we spoke late into the night about the ‘cycle of history.’ I told you that many regimes fail to escape this cycle: hardship at the beginning, then success breeds complacency, inertia grows, control weakens, decline sets in—‘officialdom flourishes while governance decays,’ rulers perish and policies vanish. You replied that the new path was democracy: let the people supervise government, and thus avoid collapse.”

Mao nodded: “Yes, I said we had found a new path—democracy—so the people could supervise government, preventing decline.”

Huang answered: “But in your thirty years in power, things changed quickly. In your later years you became arbitrary, declaring yourself ‘a monk holding an umbrella—beyond law and heaven.’ Where was democracy then? You said you could escape the cycle—did you?”

Mao admitted: “You are right. I did not escape it. History proved your warning in Yan’an was correct. I continued down Stalin’s path, and like Stalin, after my death came correction. After me, Deng Xiaoping changed course and saved the country.”

Huang replied: “Russia since the 1990s has attempted a democratic path. China, however, still struggles to free itself from your legacy; there are even signs of regression.”

Mao responded perfunctorily: “I continue to reflect and hope my lessons will guide successors to truly escape the cycle you described.”

Mao then added: “I recall your early advocacy of vocational education: ‘Labor is sacred; hands are omnipotent. Dedicate oneself to one’s work and live in harmony. Let the unemployed have work, and the propertied find joy in enterprise.’ You were tolerant of others, cautious in action, far-sighted yet practical—an example to all.”

Huang replied modestly: “You praise me too highly.”

Then he reflected: Throughout the history of the Communist Party, how many who aided wrongdoing met a good end?

With that, Huang turned and departed, leaving Mao standing in silence for a long while before he too left in frustration.

NEXT: 62. Zhang Bojun (1895–1969)