After seeing Deng Xiaoping in Shenzhen, Mao took the opportunity to visit Xi Zhongxun.

Xi said, “For you to come in person—I hardly deserve it. When you were in power, you fabricated charges against me because of the novel Liu Zhidan. After your death, Deng Xiaoping overturned the verdict on the so-called anti-Party issue of Liu Zhidan. I have no regrets left. I don’t know why your spirit still will not let me be.”

Mao said, “The matter of the novel Liu Zhidan—whose fault was it? I hope we can clarify that today.”

Xi said, “In 1962, Li Jiantong wrote the novel Liu Zhidan, which began serialization in Guangming Daily. Earlier, Li Jiantong had asked me to review the manuscript. I felt the novel did not portray Liu Zhidan truthfully and suggested it be written as three ‘microcosms’: a microcosm of the era, of the Chinese revolution, and of Mao Zedong Thought. But I neglected the issue of avoiding suspicion. The novel used fictional characters to stand in for real ones; one political department director was modeled on me. I failed to recuse myself. Later, I was accused of attempting to usurp the Party and the state. Kang Sheng declared Liu Zhidan an anti-Party novel.”

Mao said, “It was Kang Sheng who discovered it. In August 1962, at a Central meeting, Kang Sheng claimed Liu Zhidan was an attempt to rehabilitate Gao Gang. At the September meeting, Kang Sheng handed me a note: ‘Using novels to oppose the Party is a great invention.’ I read it aloud, saying: ‘Using novels to oppose the Party and the people is a great invention. To overthrow a regime, one must first create public opinion and do ideological work. Whether revolutionary or counterrevolutionary, it is the same.’ Later, under Kang Sheng’s planning, a special investigation committee was formed, with Kang as director, to examine you, Jia Tuofu, and Liu Jingfan. In 1963, the investigation concluded that Liu Zhidan was ‘rehabilitating Gao Gang,’ ‘praising Xi Zhongxun,’ and that the so-called ‘Xi–Jia–Liu clique’ was an anti-Party group.”

Xi said, “That conclusion implicated many. Zhou Yang, who had supported publication of the novel, was arrested and imprisoned. Many involved in the novel were criticized; some were persecuted to death. Jia Tuofu died under persecution. Ma Wenrui was labeled part of an anti-Party clique—later expanded to the ‘Xi–Ma–Liu anti-Party group.’ Ma Wenrui was imprisoned for five years; Liu Jingfan for ten. I was sent down to a machinery factory in Luoyang, and during the Cultural Revolution I was detained and struggled against. The author Li Jiantong was confined in a basement from 1962, expelled from the Party, and sent to labor reform. Liu Zhidan was labeled a traitor; his stone monument was smashed. Later the so-called Northwest Anti-Party Clique merged with the Peng Dehuai Anti-Party Clique. Hundreds of senior cadres were struggled against; over sixty thousand were implicated. It was not until 1978 that rehabilitation began.”

Mao said, “Your entire case was a miscarriage of justice. The problem lay with Kang Sheng—though of course I bear responsibility as well. You suffered fifteen years of injustice.”

Xi continued, “After your death, doubts persisted about Liu Zhidan’s death. He died on April 14, 1936, at Sanjiao on the Yellow River crossing. It was said an enemy machine gun bullet struck his heart during an assault. But Liu was not among the attacking troops nor in crossfire. He was on a small hill 200 meters away, observing with binoculars. How could a single bullet from 200 meters precisely hit his heart? Even modern computer-guided systems would struggle, and computers did not exist then.

“When Liu was shot, two people were beside him: Pei Zhouyu, a political security agent, and his bodyguard. After he was hit, Pei sent the guard to fetch a doctor. By the time the doctor arrived, Liu had stopped breathing. At the moment of death, only Pei was with him. Such circumstances arouse suspicion—was Liu assassinated by Pei or the guard? You personally ordered Liu to go to Sanjiao on April 13; the next day he was shot.

“When Liu was buried, his wife requested to see the body, but Zhou Enlai did not allow it. You wrote an inscription saying Liu ‘heroically sacrificed, due to an accident.’

“In Party history, Liu Zhidan was the only regional leader to die at the front. His two key associates also died within weeks—Yang Qi in March, Yang Sen in early May. Within months of your arrival in northern Shaanxi, the three top Red Army leaders there all ‘died in battle.’ Such an ‘accident’ has long been questioned. It has been over eighty years. Can you clarify the doubts about Liu Zhidan’s death?”

Mao replied, “You have already pointed out the doubts—almost to the heart of the mystery. When I said ‘due to an accident,’ I already hinted at the word ‘accident.’ I can only go this far. Let perceptive readers analyze for themselves. If I state it plainly, it would spoil the discussion.”

Xi said, “I have long wondered whether the novel Liu Zhidan touched some nerve in you, unsettling you.”

Mao answered, “Your suspicion is natural and reasonable. It did touch a nerve—but which one? No need for me to spell it out. Astute readers will understand.”

Since Mao stopped there, Xi did not press further. He turned to the issue of Gao Gang.

“I mentioned regrets. My greatest regret is failing to rehabilitate Gao Gang. Should Gao Gang not be rehabilitated?”

Mao said, “He should. Gao Gang’s case is long and complicated.”

Xi said, “In 1948, when Gao Gang reported on work in the Northeast at Xibaipo, he sensed differences within the Central leadership about the post-liberation line. From you, he first heard reservations about Liu Shaoqi—about ‘peaceful democratic new stage,’ about lack of military experience, about insufficient preparation for socialism. Gao Gang felt you were uneasy about Liu and dissatisfied with Zhou Enlai’s administrative style. He gradually sided with you.”

Mao said, “Gao Gang’s thinking aligned with mine—that is true. I did express dissatisfaction with Liu.”

Xi continued, “In late 1952, Gao Gang became chairman of the State Planning Commission. Chen Yun conveyed the appointment. Gao demurred, suggesting Chen take charge. Chen insisted, saying you trusted Gao and believed he could serve twenty years. Gao then came to Beijing.”

Mao said, “When Gao took charge of planning, it took economic authority from Premier Zhou. The daily work split into three blocs—Liu, Zhou, and Gao—breeding new tensions.”

Xi described the 1953 developments, including proposals about leadership arrangements, rumors, and conflicts. He said, “When matters escalated, you had to speak.”

Mao said, “It was rumored I was secretly encouraging Gao. I had to state my position. At the December 24, 1953 Politburo meeting, I suddenly declared there was a ‘bourgeois headquarters in the Party.’ I pointed at Gao. Then I had Liu Shaoqi convene meetings for self-criticism and unity while I went to Hangzhou to work on the constitution.”

Xi recounted how, after meetings and accusations, Gao grew desperate, attempted suicide in February 1954, was placed under house arrest, and finally took his life in August.

Mao asked, “Why didn’t you go see him and talk to him?”

Xi replied, “He was under strict surveillance. Anyone who spoke with him was recorded. I feared being implicated as part of the Gao–Rao clique. I was frightened.”

Mao sighed, “Too late. Someone should have reassured him. He was too resolute.”

Xi said, “I understood your original intention, but I was powerless.”

Mao said, “Labeling Gao as an anti-Party clique was not my personal wish. Under political pressure, I accepted the Central decision and distanced myself publicly. I once said that if Gao had not engaged in maneuvers, I would have reused him. I never intended to destroy him. When Lin Biao died in 1971, I felt utterly alone. If only Gao were alive.”

Xi said, “I know that on the day Gao died, you phoned his home, ordering a proper burial and care for his children. Many Central leaders heard Premier Zhou announce your call.”

Mao said, “Yes, I made that call. Later in Beidaihe I was angry. I told Zhou the matter had been complicated and expanded unnecessarily. If Gao could not work in the Center, he could have been sent to a province—even as a local secretary—and perhaps returned later. I asked that he retain his Central Committee status. Why was he not told? Zhou said the case was handled by Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun.”

Xi said, “I always wanted Gao rehabilitated but lacked opportunity. Deng rehabilitated Rao Shushi but not Gao. Hu Yaobang once organized a group for Gao’s rehabilitation, but Deng vetoed it. Deng admitted Gao had not opposed the Party but insisted it was a Central decision. He had to defend Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Chen Yun—and himself.”

Mao concluded, “Responsibility lies below, but the root lies with me. Gao Gang died unjustly. He should be rehabilitated and cleared. If there was fault, it rests with me.”

Xi said, “With your statement, Gao Gang’s case is clear. A sixty-year injustice is laid bare.”

Having clarified the matters of Liu Zhidan and Gao Gang, Xi Zhongxun felt a measure of relief. He rose and took his leave.

NEXT: 37. Zhu De (1886–1976)