After meeting Nixon, Mao wanted to see Washington. He knew that the Jade Emperor had already sent a message to Washington. Mao went to wait at Washington’s tomb at Mount Vernon for his spirit to appear.

The tomb of Washington and his wife is a small, low structure. Apart from holding their two coffins, it can accommodate only two or three standing people; one must almost stoop to enter.

At midnight, Washington appeared before Mao, accompanied by his wife.

Washington and Mao exchanged greetings.

Mao said, “You are the founding president admired by the Chinese people. It is my honor to meet you.”

Washington said, “Becoming president was quite accidental for me. When we first sought independence, the risk was enormous, and fewer than one-third supported it. In fact, Britain had not treated the colonies too badly. It was because the Stamp Act taxes were raised that dissatisfaction arose. Britain suppressed the protests, which led to armed resistance, and fighting broke out. We did not necessarily intend to fight to the very end. At one point we hoped to compromise and gain greater autonomy. I knew that with our untrained militia, defeating Britain’s regular army was almost impossible. But Britain would not compromise, so we had no choice but to continue. After eight years of war, it was ultimately with outside help that we prevailed. France declared war on Britain and sent troops; Spain and the Netherlands also declared war. Only then was Britain forced to recognize our independence.”

Mao said, “What a coincidence. China fought an eight-year war against Japan, and you fought an eight-year war against Britain. China relied on the United States to defeat Japan; you relied on France to defeat Britain—both depended on external assistance. But after you won, why did you go home and stop?”

Washington said, “At that time, some officers urged me to establish a government. I refused their proposal that I lead a military regime. When the war ended in 1783, I disbanded the army and let everyone return home. I too returned to Mount Vernon and resumed civilian life.”

Mao said, “Then didn’t you return to the prewar situation, with each state governing itself and no central government?”

Washington said, “You are correct—that was indeed the case. Each state acted independently. There were transportation and commercial exchanges between states, and conflicts arose. Who would coordinate? After discussion, everyone realized a central government was necessary. But on what basis should it be established? Without rules, it would not work. So first we had to draft a constitution. In 1787, I presided over the Constitutional Convention. Representatives from the states met behind closed doors in Philadelphia for several months. The focus of debate was the division of powers between the federal government and the states. The states feared excessive federal authority that would undermine their autonomy. In the end, we reached a compromise and drafted the Constitution of the United States, and organized the government accordingly. In 1789, six years after the war ended, I received unanimous support from the Electoral College and became the first President of the United States.”

Mao said, “In fact, as commander-in-chief who won the war, your authority alone would have sufficed to become president.”

Washington said, “That would not do. I was not like you. You won a civil war with a million troops in your hands; it would have been hard for you not to become chairman. I had already resigned as commander-in-chief and become a civilian, with not a single soldier under my command. Becoming president relied entirely on election. In truth, my wife was very reluctant for me to go to New York to work.”

Mao said, “How large was your presidential residence in New York?”

Washington said, “You may visit it sometime. The Federal Hall is still preserved, right beside Wall Street. The so-called presidential residence was actually small. In the early days, there were only a dozen or so officials working there. Living in New York was cramped. My wife did not like it, but she still went. I served one four-year term and was re-elected for another four-year term—eight years in total.”

Mao said, “You did well in two terms, and people wanted you to continue. Why did you refuse?”

Washington said, “After completing two terms, I declined to run again. I said I was walking on untrodden ground; my actions would likely set precedents for future presidents. I explained to the American people: ‘If you continue to elect me, America will not have a true democratic system.’ If I remained, it would hinder talented newcomers from rising. My wife and I both wished to retire and return to a peaceful life. After retiring on March 4, 1797, we happily returned to Mount Vernon. I established a distillery on the estate and became a whiskey producer. In 1799, as another presidential election approached, Federalists again hoped I would run, but I refused. I said that although it was the wish of my compatriots and I might be elected again with their trust, someone more capable than I would thereby lose the opportunity. Moreover, some might accuse me of ambition and call me a confused old fool.”

Mao said, “Your firm refusal to seek another term set the example of a two-term limit. Later presidents followed your example.”

Washington said, “There was only one exception: President Franklin D. Roosevelt during World War II. He served four terms, but in the fourth he served only a little over a year before dying in the White House—effectively a lifetime president. In truth, he knew his health was failing but insisted on continuing, lacking some self-awareness. After his death, the United States promptly amended the Constitution to limit presidents to two terms. Frankly, no one is irreplaceable. You see, his successor, President Truman, also did quite well.”

Mao said, “You established such a sound democratic system in America and set an example. Countries around the world have learned from the United States.”

Washington said, “In fact, America’s system was largely inherited from our mother country, Britain. The prototype came from our ‘grandmother.’ America is merely an independent branch of the family. Not only the democratic system, but also Americans’ religion and cultural spirit mainly came from Britain. One could say that without Britain, there would be no United States. Even including the colonial period, American history is only about four hundred years—very short. Adding eight hundred years from the mother country makes twelve hundred years in total, still not very long. Compared to China, with two thousand five hundred years since Confucius—and more than two thousand years before him—your history is long and your cultural foundation deep.”

Mao said, “What you say awakens me. I forgot our ancestor Confucius and abandoned history. Instead, I blindly copied a system from Russia and thus plunged the country into chaos.”

Washington said, “Now you are clear. Fortunately, your successor Deng Xiaoping quietly abandoned the Russian model and gradually restored tradition, and the country has slowly revived. Chinese history and culture are rich and colorful. In the future, there will be much for America to learn from China.”

Mao said, “Do you think America has lessons worth remembering, worth our vigilance?”

Washington said, “America’s greatest lesson is the Civil War. Three years of total mobilization in North and South—it was tragic, with too many deaths. The North had barely won when Lincoln was assassinated. The South required twenty-five years of Reconstruction. It was a tragedy for both sides. After eighty years of parliamentary democracy, America still lost rationality and resorted to arms. It showed that the young nation was not mature, making one think of the ‘grandmother.’ If the grandmother had presided, brothers might not have slaughtered one another.”

Mao said, “But the South fired the first shot. Lincoln in the North was justified, and victory made him more justified.”

Washington said, “Firing the first shot was certainly wrong, but one must examine the full background and causes. Even victors must reflect and analyze; victory does not automatically confer righteousness. One hundred and fifty years after the Civil War, the wounds have not fully healed. When President Obama toured the South, some still welcomed him with Confederate flags from a century and a half ago. In some places, the Confederate flag is still flown daily. The issue of race remains sensitive today—a legacy of the Civil War not truly resolved.”

Mao said, “Civil war is indeed a grave problem. I fought Chiang Kai-shek for twenty-two years and drove him to Taiwan. Seventy years later, the issue remains unresolved to this day. The United States also finds it troublesome.”

Washington said, “Problems require calm and rational reflection by both sides—not victory through violence.”

Mao said, “Do you think American-style democracy would work in China?”

Washington said, “Given China’s history and national conditions, a constitutional monarchy like Britain, Japan, Sweden, or Thailand—what might be called a ‘symbolic monarch and republican governance’—would have been more suitable. But since you overthrew the Qing emperor, it is difficult to restore a monarch. Yuan Shikai’s attempt failed. You called yourself ‘ten thousand years’ without taking the title emperor, yet in practice you were more than an emperor. While alive you could suppress opposition; once gone, it no longer worked—even your wife was arrested. Taiwan’s transition to democracy can be considered successful. What China practices now is essentially Stalin’s model. Russia has abandoned it, but China still uses it. Outdated things should transform.”

Mao said, “A nation has a founding father. You are America’s. Taiwan honors Sun Yat-sen as its founding father. Do you think that works? Could he someday become the founding father of all China?”

Washington said, “Americans called me the Father of the Country only after my death. In my view, Franklin was the true father in spirit. He was older than I, a statesman, scientist, inventor, and a man of virtue admired by all. Among my generation of founding elders, whoever went to Philadelphia always first paid respects to Franklin. You see, the hundred-dollar bill bears Franklin’s portrait—unchanged for decades. Only he represents America’s highest values.

As for Taiwan honoring Sun Yat-sen, it may be somewhat forced; mainland China would not universally accept it. As for you, your portrait still hangs over Tiananmen, but that may not last forever.”

Mao said, “You understand China’s situation well. I committed grave crimes, causing tens of millions to starve to death. I know the current authorities conceal this to maintain stability, but sooner or later I will exit the stage. China cannot long remain lawless, or it cannot develop steadily.”

Washington said, “You are right. China is still, as you once said, ‘without law and without heaven.’ Without law means there is no independent rule of law above power; the Party is supreme, the Party is the law. As you put it colloquially, ‘a monk holding an umbrella—without hair and without heaven,’ bald and bare, too primitive for modern civilization. In America, ‘Heaven’ is God; the president swears an oath with hand upon the Bible. China once had Heaven and offered sacrifices to Heaven, but the Party swept these away. Confucius, called a sage, was also overthrown. It is as if nothing stands above. Without law and without heaven, one may do as one pleases, without restraint. Is that not returning to the jungle?”

Mao said, “You are right. After forty years of reflection since my death, I know my lawlessness was wrong and brought chaos. The question is how to remedy it.”

Washington said, “Deng Xiaoping was correct: people must first have enough to eat. So he loosened controls, allowing farmers to cultivate freely and feed themselves. Now the nation is fed; with food and clothing secure, people know honor and shame. Next is to build modern civilized institutions, aligning with the advanced achievements of thousands of years of human civilization—establishing constitutional democracy. Secondly, reconnect with traditional culture—bring back Confucius, the spiritual ancestor of Confucianism. Confucius represents Chinese civilization. Inviting the Sage back means providing a moral authority revered by all, including rulers, so that even the highest leader is restrained and no one surpasses the sage. China lacks a unified religious god; Confucius can serve that role. A nation of five thousand years should have a national spiritual pillar.”

Mao said, “You are right. Today China’s leaders focus only on the economy and neglect institutional civilization. Confucius remains shelved. Only by bringing him back and gradually discarding the Russian model can the fundamental problem be solved.”

Washington said, “National strength consists of military power, economic power, and moral power. As the world develops, moral power becomes ever more important—even surpassing military and economic power. If domestic affairs are not well handled, how can moral authority be manifested?”

Washington’s words were well reasoned. Mao felt that even in heaven, Washington kept pace with the times, continually studying new circumstances and problems, his thinking not outdated.

Mao Zedong reflected that although his body lay displayed in Tiananmen Square, his spirit had been confined in the eighteenth level of hell, with all information blocked by Fang Binxing’s Green Dam system. Cut off from events beyond hell, he suddenly felt deeply ashamed.

NEXT: 27. Anna L. Strong (1885–1970)