Mao recalled President Nixon’s 1972 visit to China, which opened the door to Sino–American relations. He had met Nixon at Zhongnanhai, leaving a deep impression. Mao always cherished the memory of Nixon. He decided to go personally to the United States to pay tribute to him and visit his presidential library. Mao also planned to visit Mount Vernon to pay homage to George Washington, the founding president of the United States.

Near midnight, Nixon indeed appeared.

Nixon said, “Welcome from afar! I too have always remembered our historic meeting more than forty years ago. That meeting brought new hope not only to China and the United States, but to the world.”

Mao said, “It is a pity that because of Watergate, you were never again able to visit China as president.”

Nixon replied, “Yes. However, after I stepped down, I returned to China as a former president.”

Mao said, “In 1976, I was gravely ill. I missed you very much and hoped that you would visit China again during my lifetime.”

Nixon said, “I was very pleased to meet you again and decided to accept the invitation. On the evening of February 21, 1976, I arrived in Beijing aboard the special plane you sent to the United States. The next day, the Chinese government held a state banquet in my honor. Everything was exactly the same as four years earlier: the same arrangements, the same respect, the same ceremonies—even the ten dishes on the table were identical. At the banquet I said, ‘The future of the entire world depends on cooperation between our two countries.’ The next day I visited you. We talked for one hour and forty minutes. I was amazed that at such an advanced age your mind was still so clear and sharp, and that you remained so concerned about major international issues. You were truly a great man full of intellectual vitality. I presented you with a porcelain panda crafted by an American master ceramicist, and you toasted me with green tea instead of wine. I could see that your health was not good, but your mind was still agile. When our meeting ended, your aides helped you up from your chair and supported you as you walked me to the door. You pushed them away and stood there by yourself to bid me farewell. After leaving Beijing, I visited Guilin, Guangzhou, and Conghua before departing Guangzhou for home on a Chinese special plane. Commentators said that your invitation was a strategic move—using the United States as a counterbalance to the Soviet Union. I was the ideal messenger for that signal. Improving Sino–American relations was a turning point in world history. Half a year after my second visit, you passed away on September 9, 1976. I issued a statement highly praising your life.”

Mao said, “Thank you very much for your generous praise. You, too, were a far-sighted leader. After my death, you visited China many more times, didn’t you?”

Nixon replied, “Yes. The third time was in 1979, after your successor Deng Xiaoping came to power and strengthened Sino–American friendship. I was invited to visit and met Deng to warm relations further. The fourth time was in 1982 to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the breakthrough in relations. The fifth time was in 1985, again at China’s invitation. The sixth was after the 1989 Tiananmen incident, in an effort to ease tensions. The seventh and final time was in 1993, also to improve relations. By then, Chinese media coverage was limited and not placed in prominent headlines. I was no longer at the pinnacle of American power. Still, I enthusiastically visited Beijing, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen.”

Mao praised Nixon: “Over twenty-one years, seven visits to China—you are truly a genuine old friend of China. The Chinese people will not forget you. What did you do after leaving office?”

Nixon said, “After resigning in 1974, I first worked to change my image in the American public’s mind and restore my reputation. Every June 17—the anniversary of Watergate—was painful for me. The media would revisit that disgraceful period, new tapes were released, and reporters asked aggressive questions to blame me. With great patience and sincere remorse, I sought public forgiveness. Over the next twenty years, I constantly reflected, read extensively, engaged in international affairs, advised sitting presidents, and delivered hundreds of speeches at home and abroad. Eventually, my conduct moved the American people, and I regained their trust.”

Mao said, “In my view, Watergate was merely a partisan struggle. Compared with your international strategic vision, it was a small matter. Yet you took public criticism seriously and reflected on yourself. That is admirable. You regained public trust, and I deeply respect that. I hear you wrote many books.”

Nixon replied, “Over twenty years, I wrote eight books, including RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, Six Crises, Beyond Peace, Leaders, No More Vietnams, and 1999: Victory Without War.”

Mao said, “Eight books in twenty years—you were truly diligent! I am especially interested in Victory Without War. Could you explain your main thinking?”

Nixon said, “By ‘victory without war,’ I meant using our strength without engaging in war. We should encourage peaceful evolution within the Soviet Union. A strategy should be devised to compete peacefully with socialist countries behind the Iron Curtain. On the basis of military deterrence, we should leverage America’s economic advantages—through economic aid and technology transfer—to induce ‘peaceful evolution.’ In ideological competition, we should wage a battle for hearts and minds, spreading the values of freedom and democracy to open the door to peaceful change in socialist countries. That book was published in 1988. In 1992, the Soviet Union dissolved.”

Mao said, “You were right—you truly had foresight. In the U.S.–Soviet competition, the Soviet Union failed, and the United States prevailed.”

Nixon replied, “I would say it was a victory of systems. The Soviet Union practiced communist authoritarianism; the United States practiced liberal democracy. Communist authoritarianism failed; liberal democracy succeeded. As for the United States, we gained no territory or economic spoils. For the Soviet Union, it was their own ‘peaceful evolution.’ There was no war—that is ‘victory without war.’”

Mao said, “That explanation is excellent. Indeed, in the fifty years after World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union competed peacefully without direct war. The Soviet Union failed in peaceful competition. Unlike the first half of the twentieth century, when two world wars erupted within thirty years, no one dared launch another world war in the second half. Your idea was good—let everyone compete peacefully. In the end, the system you represented showed vitality and won. The Soviet system lacked vitality and collapsed.”

Nixon said, “Until the 1940s, humanity settled outcomes through war, relying on force. After the 1950s, the world entered a stage of peaceful competition. Military force receded into the background as deterrence, while economic power and moral authority became decisive. Economic strength depends on economic systems. We practiced a free economic system, which proved strong. The Soviet Union practiced a planned economy, which proved weak. It was a competition of economic systems. Moreover, life in the Soviet Union was harder, freedoms were fewer, and it lacked popular support, so it lost morally as well. Victory and defeat occurred without war, through peaceful competition.”

Mao said, “Your insight is remarkable. World developments have indeed followed your prediction: military power serves as deterrence, while economic and moral power have become primary.”

Nixon added, “As time goes on, moral authority becomes even more important, perhaps even foremost. The comparison between Germany and Japan is persuasive. Japan’s economy is stronger than Germany’s, but Japan’s repentance has been less thorough, and many Asian countries have not fully forgiven it. Therefore, its moral authority is weaker, and its political standing in the world is not as strong as Germany’s. Germany thoroughly atoned for the crimes of war, gained forgiveness, regained respect, and accepted large numbers of refugees, earning international praise. Its moral authority surpasses Japan’s, making it a leader in the European Union. Comparing Germany and Japan shows that moral authority can be even more important than economic strength.”

Mao said, “Your example convincingly demonstrates the importance of moral authority. However, I disagree with one point. At the end of Victory Without War, you wrote that when one day the distant ancient China’s young people no longer believe in their historical traditions and nation, that will be the moment America wins without war.”

Nixon replied, “I was wrong. I wrote that in 1988 without having studied Chinese history carefully. After arriving in heaven in 1994 and reflecting for twenty years, I realized my mistake. I had wrongly set China’s traditional values in opposition to our modern values. My later research showed that Confucius’ core values are compatible with ours and not fundamentally contradictory. I should have said this: when China’s young people abandon the Russian-style communist authoritarian concepts and restore Confucian tradition—thus embracing the values of freedom and democracy—that would be victory without war.”

Mao said, “That is well said. When Confucius returns and the Russian model exits, there will be no contradiction between you.”

Seeing that the conversation had reached its end and that it was late, Nixon bid farewell and departed.

NEXT: 26. George Washington (1732–1799)