After his death, Mao learned that in the 1980s, Chiang Ching-kuo opened up politics in Taiwan and successfully transformed the regime into a constitutional democracy. From then on, Taiwan became a free and democratic country like those in the West, completely breaking away from the influence of the Russian-style system. Mao felt that Chiang Ching-kuo was a great leader like Washington, who truly set Taiwan on the path of democratic republicanism. Mao wished to consult “Little Chiang” in person, so he took the Jade Emperor’s document and went to see him.

When they met, Mao spoke directly: “You took over power from Old Chiang, and under your leadership the regime successfully transformed into a genuine democratic republic. Your contribution is immense. You are China’s Washington. I have come today to consult you—based on your experience, how should the mainland transform?”

Chiang replied, “To say that I inherited power from my father is at most half correct. In 1972, I was elected Premier with 93% of the vote, thus reaching the pinnacle of power. If my father deserves half the credit, it is for promoting and cultivating me. I was elected President in 1976 through a nationwide vote; my father had already passed away in 1975. As Premier, I governed with the principles of ‘ordinary, plain, practical.’ As President, I upheld ‘national interest first, the people’s welfare foremost,’ and I meant what I said. That is why the people supported me.”

Mao said, “I understand. It would be unfair to say you merely inherited paternal authority. I know you had your own abilities. After I left Jiangxi during the Long March, you went to Jiangxi in 1938. In southern Jiangxi, you banned gambling, opium, and prostitution, and you kept your word. Your achievements were outstanding, and the people called you ‘Chiang the Just.’ You established a ‘Public Servants School,’ requiring cadres to visit 380 professions and ask whether people were satisfied with their lives and what criticisms they had of the government. You personally met with 1,020 citizens over two years. Your work was solid and well grounded.”

Chiang said, “My work in Taiwan did not become democratic overnight. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was still essentially a high-pressure authoritarian era. Only in the 1970s did politics gradually open up and move toward democracy.”

Mao said, “I know—you also had roots in the Russian Communist Party before returning home.”

Chiang replied, “You are correct. At Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow, Deng Xiaoping and I were classmates. After graduation, I joined the Soviet Communist Party and even published articles denouncing my father, publicly severing father-son relations. I spent twelve years in the Soviet Union and was thoroughly ‘red.’ In 1938, Kang Sheng accompanied me back to China. Before I left, Stalin met me and gave me a pistol.”

Mao asked, “How did you change after returning to China?”

Chiang said, “When I returned, I first went back to my hometown to see my mother. She required my Russian wife to undergo a traditional Chinese wedding ceremony and gave her the name Fang Liang. We accepted each other well, laying a good foundation for me. My father then had me study in Xikou together with Zhang Xueliang, reading Zeng Guofan’s Family Letters and the collected works of Wang Yangming, rebuilding my foundation in traditional Chinese culture and beginning anew in my homeland.”

Mao said, “I understand. Old Chiang helped you rediscover your roots and abandon the path of ‘mistaking a thief for a father.’ That enabled you to start anew in Jiangxi.”

Chiang said, “In 1939, my mother was killed by Japanese bombing in our hometown. I returned to bury her and erected a stone monument inscribed ‘Repay blood with blood,’ to declare my resolve.”

Mao said, “Later in Shanghai, you managed economic affairs and became famous for ‘beating the tigers.’”

Chiang replied, “In 1948, I dealt with corruption in Shanghai and pursued powerful figures, even reaching the son of H. H. Kung. That provoked Soong Mei-ling’s intervention; she went to Shanghai and took him to Hong Kong to settle the matter. At that time, I did not have ultimate authority, and there was no consensus at the top on economic rectification, so the effort ended anticlimactically.”

Mao said, “You truly had courage. Unfortunately, you could not fully make decisions then.”

Chiang said, “I could fully make decisions only after I was elected President in 1978. I sensed that the times were changing, the environment was changing, and the trend was changing. We had to open up further, step by step, toward democracy.”

Mao said, “Taiwan opened economically first and became one of the Four Asian Tigers. Political liberalization was more difficult. How did you handle it?”

Chiang said, “Lifting the bans on newspapers and political parties were two major steps. Freedom of speech could no longer be restricted. The Kuomintang could not rule alone forever. According to the Constitution, party and press bans had to be lifted to conform to a democratic society. Leaders must be chosen through free elections.”

Mao said, “Opening free elections is a major matter. Both the Communist Party and the Kuomintang traditionally practiced guided voting. In the Communist Party, candidates were almost designated in advance. Elections were largely formalities.”

Chiang said, “In 1985, Time magazine asked me how future leaders would be chosen. I said members of the Chiang family would not succeed me; I had never considered it. Successors must be chosen through free elections, and there would never again be military rule.”

Mao said, “That makes it just like Western societies.”

Chiang said, “Before that, I resolved to eliminate artificial efforts within the government to cultivate my personal authority. In 1984, there was the Jiangnan case. A writer named Henry Liu wrote The Biography of Chiang Ching-kuo, which contained criticisms of me. Government intelligence personnel, seeking to please me, sent members of the Bamboo Union to assassinate him. I dealt with those responsible severely, including dismissal and expulsion. I also revised and enacted laws to protect civil rights and prevent similar incidents from happening again.”

Mao said, “You opposed ‘personality cults’ and set an example. I could not do that. I not only tolerated but encouraged the cult of personality around me. You were so strict with yourself; no wonder you gained public support. But I do not understand—why did you voluntarily relinquish power? In my way of thinking, I would cling to power tightly until death.”

Chiang said, “Because I deeply felt that modern China suffered greatly from the struggle for power. So many heroes fought civil wars for authority, causing devastation and endless disaster. Conquering and ruling with an imperial mindset belongs to the past. In modern society, sovereignty belongs to the people, not to one family or one party. The people choose who leads. Returning power and benefits to the people eliminates man-made calamities and brings social harmony.”

Mao said, “You truly have the breadth of a modern great leader. I have another question—how can the mainland and Taiwan achieve reunification?”

Chiang said, “In 1982, Liao Chengzhi wrote to me addressing me as ‘worthy younger brother Jingguo,’ urging negotiations and a third cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Soong Mei-ling responded on my behalf, addressing him as ‘nephew Chengzhi,’ and proposed ‘no contact, no negotiation, no compromise.’ In 1983, Liao Chengzhi passed away, and talk of negotiations ended.”

Mao asked, “Why did you advocate the ‘three no’s’?”

Chiang said, “Because the systems were different in nature. Without a common foundation, there was nothing to discuss. It would have been a waste of time.”

Mao asked, “Then what would make talks possible?”

Chiang replied, “It is simple. First, the system must change. Only when the systems are the same or very similar can there be a foundation. You still maintain a rigid Russian-style communist system. Taiwan is afraid—Anti-Rightist campaigns, the Great Leap Forward, famine, the Cultural Revolution, executions—everyone is afraid and would rather stay far away. Once inside your circle, there is no escape. Who would dare associate?”

Mao said, “By your reasoning, the system must first be reformed.”

Chiang replied, “Yes. It must begin with reckoning with the Russian system, including the crimes committed under Stalin’s model that you implemented. Through criticism and reflection, consensus can be reached and the system renewed. Only then would negotiations with Taiwan have a foundation. Russia did this in the 1990s and changed its system. It can serve as a lesson. Even Vietnam is now ahead of you in reform. You yourself must repent and set an example for your successors.”

Mao replied evasively, “What you say is very reasonable. But those currently in power may not think so. I launched the ‘Up to the Mountains and Down to the Countryside’ movement, causing him to finish only primary school before being sent to the countryside. He may lack the capacity to understand the issues we are discussing today. For the mainland to reform its system, it may take at least fifty more years.”

Hearing this, Chiang knew that nothing more needed to be said. Mao felt that Chiang had spoken frankly and that he had gained much from the conversation. He rose, bade farewell, thanked Chiang, and departed.

NEXT: 25. Richard Milhous Nixon (1913–1994)