Chu Anping was one of the three major rightists who criticized the Communist Party’s “Party supremacy” in 1957. In 1980, 550,000 rightists were officially rehabilitated nationwide, but five prominent rightists, including Chu Anping, were excluded. In September 1966, at the start of the Cultural Revolution, Chu mysteriously disappeared. Suicide? Murder? His fate remains a historical mystery. Despite searches in Beijing and across the country, no trace was found. Some even claimed to have seen him on a small street in the United States, but when they approached, he vanished. Chu became China’s first major “disappearance case,” neither seen alive nor body recovered. Most people, however, believe he had died at the age of 57.

Where Chu Anping went became a question repeatedly raised by later generations. Like Wang Shiwei, Chu was essentially “disappeared.” After his death, his spirit could not rest. When he learned of the Jade Emperor’s plan for the Great Judgment, he sought the Jade Emperor to secure a fair ruling on his case.

One day, the Jade Emperor saw a dignified yet visibly exhausted old man approaching and asked, “Who are you? What grievance do you bring?”

Chu replied, “I am Chu Anping.”

The Jade Emperor said, “You are well known. You disappeared, and everyone wonders whether you are alive or dead. Please clarify.”

Chu said, “Where I went is not important. I disappeared physically, but thoughts remain, and the soul is immortal.”

The Jade Emperor said, “Your death has left you unrested. This is a major unresolved case.”

Chu said, “Indeed. My story is not over. The label of ‘major rightist’ was imposed by Mao Zedong, and I still carry that hat. Personally, I no longer care. The nation knows that I was persecuted to death by Mao, whether he admits it or not.”

The Jade Emperor said, “That is true. In 1957, you publicly said Mao Zedong represented ‘Party supremacy,’ which made you a target and an example.”

Chu said, “I wrote Some Opinions to Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou, 1,200 words, published in full in the People’s Daily. I simply said that Mao Zedong represented ‘Party supremacy,’ phrased very mildly, far gentler than my criticism of the Kuomintang. At the founding of the PRC, Mao’s power was not yet secure; he arranged six vice-chairmen, three from outside the Party, and four vice-premiers, two from outside the Party. By 1957, Mao felt secure. Only one vice-chairman outside the Party remained, and none of the twelve vice-premiers were from outside.”

The Jade Emperor said, “Your account is factual. Mao exploited the democratic parties. When their utility ended, he discarded them.”

Chu said, “Mao’s phrase ‘long-term coexistence, mutual supervision’ was mere words. Early on, eight democratic parties were mere ornaments. By 1957, they had shrunk to eight small flowers in a single bouquet. When Mao said ‘long-term coexistence,’ people said, ‘How fortunate!’ When he said ‘mutual supervision,’ people said, ‘How dare we!’”

The Jade Emperor said, “Mao executed Stalin’s model. Democratic parties were window dressing. Once they became inconvenient, he discarded them.”

Chu said, “Even during the civil war, I saw through Mao. His talk of democracy was only to oppose Chiang Kai-shek; his talk of freedom was only for that purpose. In 1947, I wrote Commentary on China’s Political Situation. I said: Freedom under the Kuomintang is a matter of ‘more or less’; under the CCP, it is a matter of ‘exists or not.’ The CCP’s cries of ‘democracy’ were to rally opposition against the Kuomintang. In truth, the Party remained supreme, not democratic.”

The Jade Emperor asked, “Since you saw through this, why did you still come to Beijing to help establish the PRC?”

Chu said, “I was enthusiastically invited and temporarily dazzled. I still hoped to contribute to the founding. But once Mao returned, he shut the doors and crushed dissent. During the 1957 Anti-Rightist Campaign, Mao persecuted over 550,000 elites to labor reform, many to death. The actual number exceeded three million—China’s intellectual elite decimated.”

The Jade Emperor said, “You are correct. The Party’s essence, following Stalin’s model, is totalitarian. Mao was even more despotic than Chiang, offering no freedom. Do you think ‘Party supremacy’ still exists?”

Chu said, “‘Party supremacy’ remains obvious. The eight democratic parties have mostly vanished from public view, close to extinction. Yet I remain optimistic. I do not expect their full restoration. Under the pressure of 3 million troops and 80 million Party members, a few small parties are negligible. But the Party is evolving. Stalin is gone, the Soviet Union changed, Stalinist methods discarded. Chiang’s system changed too. The CCP will eventually transform; it is only a matter of time. Mao’s model will be left behind by history. The tide of history cannot be stopped.”

The Jade Emperor said, “Yet many still praise Mao and queue daily to see his embalmed body. We must eradicate Mao’s influence and fix him on the pillar of historical shame. Only then can China’s future have hope.”

Chu said, “Even today, Mao’s successors still use him as a banner to rule easily. Mao’s crimes are forbidden from publication. The people remain misled. Mao has never admitted guilt; until you, Jade Emperor, conclude the judgment, I cannot rest. Mao’s ‘virus’ continues to harm all victims.”

The Jade Emperor said, “This Great Judgment is intended to close the case.”

Chu Anping said, “I trust your words. I await your stern verdict on Mao Zedong, to comfort the spirits of all the wronged.”

NEXT: 114. Gu Zhun (1915–1974)