Chapter 57 The official launch of the Cultural Revolution May Conference 1966

Journalist: “How did you officially launch the Cultural Revolution?”

Mao: “From May 4th to 26th, 1966, the expanded Political Bureau meeting was held in Beijing, while I remained in Hangzhou, exerting remote control. I had Liu Shaoqi preside over the meeting, with the central focus being to launch the Cultural Revolution and overthrow him. I made him dig his own grave, and he had no choice but to comply. I instructed Kang Sheng to guide the meeting according to my intentions, while Liu Shaoqi essentially acted as the master of ceremonies. Initially, Peng Zhen was allowed to attend the meeting, but on May 11, I instructed him to report to the newly appointed Beijing Municipal Party Secretary, Li Xuefeng, and then notified him to stop attending the meeting. In reality, I had already decided to remove him from office while I was in Hangzhou in April. He requested to see me, but I refused to meet him. Instead, I met with Kang Sheng, Chen Boda, and Jiang Qing to criticize the independent kingdom in Beijing, saying that they were untouchable. Liu Shaoqi, who was still at the meeting, emphasized the need for major personnel changes to be approved by a plenary session of the Central Committee. I ignored him. When a real plenary session of the Central Committee was convened, I did not receive majority support.”

Journalist: “The Cultural Revolution launched the meeting, you control with military discipline?

Mao: “Yes, during the Central Cultural Revolution Conference in May 1966, I announced several disciplines: no one was allowed to go home, take leave, or have contact with the outside world. It was a closed-door meeting, with strict discipline for extraordinary times to prevent mutiny. Secretaries and security guards were not allowed to accompany anyone, and making phone calls was prohibited. The conference was held at the Western Guesthouse in Beijing, well-guarded. Kang Sheng, acting according to the script I prepared, presided over the meeting, and Liu Shaoqi served as a puppet chairman (master of ceremonies). Only Lin Biao brought a squad of soldiers to attend the meeting, as approved by me. (The Western Guesthouse was a military-controlled location). Kang Sheng was the dog, and I was the master. I was not present, appearing mysteriously and unpredictably. With the dog relying on the master’s power, who could cause trouble other than me?

Lin Biao’s presence with a squad of soldiers created a sense of pressure, forcing everyone to keep quiet and comply. He talked extensively about the experiences of mutinies, creating a chaotic atmosphere, and causing fear among the people. Liu Shaoqi sighed behind the scenes, saying, ‘I cannot play this game, fight back, or hide. Everyone is contributing to the revolution, but only one person receives the credit and praise.’ The Buddha, once worshipped by everyone, ended up controlling everyone, and no one dared to provoke him. They all became obedient tools. He only wanted to save himself, abandoning principles and constantly retreating. Now, there is no more room for retreat. While tens of millions of people are starving to death, he lacks the courage to make a secret report like Khrushchev did. He let me go, and now he laments his self-imposed restraints. He brought it upon himself.”

Journalist: “Oh, the official meeting in May, you remote control in Hangzhou, directing Liu Shaoqi meeting as the anchor of ceremonies, so that he was dying before digging his own grave?”

Mao: “Yes, on May 5th-6th, 1966, Kang Sheng conveyed my instructions to him during an 8-hour personal instruction in Hangzhou. I detailed my instructions since 1962, summarizing them into two points: the criticism of Peng Zhen, Luo Ruiqing, Lu Dingyi, and Yang Shangkun, and the establishment of a new leftist force to combat revisionism. Kang Sheng conveyed the character of Khrushchev, and at that time, only Lin Biao, Jiang Qing, Zhou Enlai, Kang Sheng, Xie Fuzhi, and Wang Dongxing knew that it was referring to Liu Shaoqi. Others thought it was only about Peng Zhen. As early as November 1965, I had transferred Yang Shangkun to Guangdong, giving him the title of deputy secretary but actually conducting investigations and assessments. He was in charge of the Central Office, but I didn’t trust him. He had been involved in wiretapping against me and knew Russian, and I was most afraid of collaboration with foreign forces. The Soviet Union posed a hidden danger. Wang Dongxing took over, and I was confident in his absolute loyalty. When I launched the Cultural Revolution, I felt reassured.”

Journalist: “So you secretly gave instructions and secretly plotted against Liu Shaoqi?”

Mao: “Yes, on May 15, 1966, I decided to establish an 11-member Capital Work Group to replace Peng Zhen’s team. Ye Jianying became the group leader, and Yang Chengwu became the deputy group leader. I also appointed someone under Yang Chengwu to have control over the broadcasting industry. Previously, I had already mobilized Yang Chengwu’s forces to strengthen the troops stationed around Beijing. I also kept a close eye on Lin Biao and didn’t deploy his troops. I trusted Yang Chengwu completely and believed that he would be loyal to me. This way, I completed the deployment of the military and propaganda machinery, fully controlling the situation in Beijing. Combined with the adoration of the masses and their public opinion towards me personally, Liu Shaoqi and his associates had no power to fight back, and they could only bow down and be manipulated by me.”

Journalist: “You were at the opening meeting of the Cultural Revolution in Hangzhou by remote control? You didn’t dare to attend?”

Mao: “Yes. During the Central Cultural Revolution Conference in May 1966, I was still hiding in Hangzhou and had Kang Sheng take care of the arrangements to control the meeting. I was also afraid that the meeting might spiral out of control. I was worried that those old fellows would put up a fierce fight because Beijing was still under Peng Zhen’s control. With the entry of the 38th Army in February, they already understood that I was about to take action. They might not be willing to surrender easily and could join forces to resist me. I was afraid that things would get messy and turn violent during the meeting. After all, they had the numbers and the advantage in strength. If they resorted to physical force, I would be at a disadvantage. Fortunately, Kang Sheng and Lin Biao had things under control. Their group also lacked a thug-like expert like myself. They were polite and well-mannered, and no one resorted to violence or even used foul language. The most formidable one, Peng Dehuai, had already become an old tiger and gone to the Southwest.”

Journalist: “You reorganized Beijing, and Liu Shaoqi was powerless?”

Mao: “Yes, on May 16, 1966, the conference passed the resolution to launch the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Liu Shaoqi wanted to make some changes, but I had already instructed that not a single word should be altered. I had already reviewed and approved the revised resolution.”

Journalist: “Did you also arrange for Lin Biao to make a move?”

Mao: “Yes, Lin Biao continued to praise me during the May Conference, saying that one of my statements is worth ten thousand, surpassing Marx. On May 18th, he gave a grand speech on coup d’état tactics, which was sensational and had a deterrent effect. I was very satisfied. He was implying that Liu Shaoqi and others were planning a coup, but in fact, it was me who initiated the coup, abandoning the formalities of the Central Plenary Session. Everything is decided by me alone.

During Lin Biao’s talk on the coup, there were rumors outside that He Long wanted to mobilize troops for a coup. He Long was indeed a general I suspected, and I had been on guard against him. However, there was no evidence, and it was a false rumor.”

Journalist: Did you agree with Lin Biao’s talk on the coup?”

Mao: When Lin Biao talked about the coup, I agreed over the phone, and the materials he used were from the document I gave him, titled “Summary of Historical Palace Coups and Military Revolts.” He took excerpts from it, but later I denied it and contradicted him. Lin Biao complained: He was like the ghost Zhong Kui that I used to fight against.”

Journalist: Were you really afraid of a military coup?”

Mao: On May 18, 1966, during Lin Biao’s speech on the coup, he started with a threatening tone, but later he praised me enthusiastically. He even revealed the secret troop movements in March and April when they entered Beijing. I was afraid that stirring up the water would cause a backlash, so I ordered that Lin Biao’s speech should not be distributed. I understood that with just one division of troops, the political power could be seized, and I could sit on the throne. What I feared most was the actions of the generals if they changed their loyalty.”

Journalist: “Is Lin Biao your successor?”

Mao: “That’s not what I had in mind. When it comes to the successor, outsiders see it as Lin Biao. In 1966, I used Lin Biao as a pawn to fight against ghosts. Once Liu Shaoqi fell, Lin Biao’s value decreased significantly. I was deliberately misleading people in a roundabout way: Lin Biao – Wang Hongwen – Hua Guofeng – Jiang Qing. Jiang Qing was my ultimate choice. The successor was just bait, a smokescreen, deeply concealed. I played Lin Biao like a puppet. In September 1966, when I met Lin Biao, I handed him the biographies of Guo Jia and Fan Yi. Fan Yi was a general of the Song Dynasty during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period who was executed for rebellion. Guo Jia was a loyal and talented advisor to Cao Cao. I intentionally warned Lin Biao to learn from Guo Jia and not become Fan Yi. But Lin Biao didn’t listen to me. He never received Mao Yuanxin and was perfunctory with Jiang Qing. In fact, I was looking for a chief minister to assist the empress dowager, but both Lin Biao and Deng Xiaoping slipped through my fingers.”

Journalist: “Did Lin Biao denounce the anonymous letter to protect Ye Qun?”

Mao: “Yes, Lin Biao denounced the anonymous letter sent by a woman against Lu Dingyi. The letter stated that Lu Dingyi should be executed. During the May 18th Central Cultural Revolution Conference, Lin Biao specially distributed the signed message to all the senior members present. It talked about Ye Qun being married to Lu Dingyi for 30 years, proving that Ye Qun was still a virgin. It made everyone want to laugh but dared not. Lin Biao’s ‘May 18th Speech’ on the coup tactics was actually his ‘pledge of loyalty’ and ‘oath’ to me.”

Journalist: “So, did you actually want Jiang Qing to succeed you and have Lin Biao assist her?”

Mao: “Yes. Lin Biao likes to hide at home and not show up, similar to me. He wanted his wife Ye Qun to come forward, but Ye Qun was winded by the outside world and did not have a good reputation. Lin Biao then put a testimony in his own handwriting for each attendee at the May meeting, which read:

I testify that:
1. When Ye Qun married me, she was a pure virgin and has always been upright since our marriage.
2. Ye Qun and Wang Shiwei never had a romantic relationship at all.
3. Tiger and DouDou are our biological children, born to Ye Qun and me.
4. Yan Weibing’s counterrevolutionary letter and everything discussed in it are all fabricated rumors.

Lin Biao, May 14, 1966.

Lin Biao wanted to clear his wife’s reputation in order to have a good reputation in public affairs. Many people disapproved of his approach, and Nie Rongzhen suggested taking it back, and he quickly did so.”

Journalist: “You see Lin Biao is too stupid, right?”

Mao: “Yes. The May meeting also besieged Zhu De, which I instructed Kang Sheng to do. Zhu De first made a review, Chen Yi, Lin Biao, Bo Yibo, Zhou Enlai and others were ordered to speak to criticize him, falsely accused him of ambition, wanting to be crowned emperor, is a time bomb. Zhu De said: “I am 80 years old, climbing slopes to be pulled, walking can not, not to mention the yellow robe to add body.” I was trying to hammer him heavily to prevent someone from playing Zhu De’s flag, to prevent Zhu De from raising critical objections to the Cultural Revolution, and to warn other high-ranking generals that they must bend their heads. Zhu De’s prestige is high, so first get him out, sweep the prestige and get rid of the hidden problems.”

Journalist: “You pulled Zhu De out to kill his prestige?”

Mao: “Yes. During the May meeting, two important people committed suicide. One was Deng Tuo, who committed suicide on May 18, by taking sleeping pills. Deng Tuo back in 1957, I found rightist, soft on the right, when I summoned him to my bed in the middle of the night, a big lecture, removed his editor-in-chief of the People’s Daily. Peng Zhen cherished his talent and sent him to the Beijing Municipal Committee to become the secretary in charge of literature and education. When the Cultural Revolution came, Peng Zhen fell, he had been named and knew that it would not end well, and became the first celebrity to commit suicide. The other was my secretary Tian Jiaying, who, after 1958, went down to investigate several times on my orders and came back to report that he sympathized with the suffering and advocated for the enfranchisement of the family, which I knew was right-leaning, but he did his job in accordance with my wishes and kept stalling. I want to launch the Cultural Revolution, it seems that he is not with me to the front. So I asked An Ziwen to inform him that he would be suspended and replaced by Qi Benyu. He hanged himself the next day, May 23rd.”

Journalist: “Deng Tuo, Tian Jiaying was abandoned by you and forced to commit suicide?”

Journalist: “You guys got rid of Tian Jiaying? He had a suicide note?”

Mao: “At May 18, the night of the Central Committee meeting, Deng Tuo took poison at home and committed suicide, after five days, my ‘living dictionary’ Tian Jiaying also hanged himself. I instructed Wang Dongxing to get rid of him, but in fact Wang killed him, so how could I keep him to write my ‘secret reports’ later? The ‘hanging beam’ scene was set up by Wang. I heard that he knew the end was near and wrote a messy ‘suicide note,’ saying that ‘one year of the Great Leap Forward, three years of famine, the most in Chinese history, history will eventually be recorded.’ Zhou EnlAiditd not dare to show it to me.

And yes, saying that Tian Jiaying hanged himself was a consistent statement in the past, excusing me and covering up. The fact is that I instructed Wang Dongxing to go to him to show his hand, if he persisted, it was decisively dealt with. Wang Dongxing took the guard to Yongfu Hall, Tian Jiaying’s residence, at 10 a.m. on May 23, to talk to him, and the two topped up, and Wang Dongxing instructed the guard to get down and deal with it on the spot. Afterwards, the guard was dealt with to cover up the truth.”

Journalist: “Oh, Tian Jiaying was actually disposed of by your instructions to Wang Dongxing?”

Mao: “Yes.”

Journalist: “Tian Jiaying was the one you told to get rid of him?”

Mao: “Yes, the death of Tian Jiaying in 1966, in fact, I ordered Wang Dongxing to kill, Wang took his internal guard Zhu Guohua to Tian’s study room to shoot, Tian was shot but not killed, Wang and Zhu hanged Tian to the bookshelf to make it look like suicide by hanging, the body was cremated the same day, Zhou Enlai had proposed an autopsy, I said not to do something on the dead, to the dead to pressure the living. Later, Zhu Guohua also “suicided” under Wang Dongxing’s setting up. Tian Jiaying mastered too many of my big and small things, he did not die I do not live assured.”

Journalist: “Deng Tuo suicide is a brave warrior?”

Mao: “Yes, Lu Xun said, there are two kinds of suicide: ‘one is a coward, waste, the second is a warrior, can be killed but not humiliated, to die against the total rebellion, the backbone of the nation, Deng Tuo is a brave warrior.”

At May 28, 1966, the Central Cultural Revolution Group was established, Chen Boda as the leader, Jiang Qing, deputy leader. But everyone knows that I let Jiang Qing be the secret-chair, Chen Boda listened to Jiang Qing to act.”

Journalist: “Oh, the Central Cultural Revolution, Chen Boda actually met as the master of ceremonies, and Jiang Qing actually ran things?”
Mao: “Yes, in the May meeting ‘May 6 notice’ inspired by the May 25, 1966, Peking University Nie Yuanzi 7 people big words, against the Beijing Municipal Committee and Peking University Party Committee, they have the courage, is to see Kang Sheng’s wife Cao Yi Ou, I saw the news in Hangzhou, June 1, wrote a letter I saw the news in Hangzhou and wrote a letter on June 1, praising it as the first Marxist-Leninist large-character poster in the country, a manifesto of the Beijing Commune in the 20th century, surpassing the Paris Commune, which was published in the People’s Daily on June 2, 1966, and set the whole country ablaze with large-character posters.”

On June 2, 1966, the Tsinghua Affiliated High School posted the Red Guards’ large-character posters to rebel, the masses came raging and the situation was not well controlled.”

Journalist: “You went from Hangzhou to Hunan Dishui Cave again?”

Mao: “In May 1966, fter the Central Cultural Revolution meeting, I went back to Shaoshan Dishui Cave in June, that was in 1959 I said to the Hunan Provincial Party Secretary: Dishui Cave environment is good, good feng shui, build me a few cottages, I came back to live in my old age, they according to my regal intentions, specially built around the reservoir road into the Dishui Cave, the Chinese and Western wall to build three compounds, the first courtyard high three-storey dozens of rooms, for the guard quarters. 24 suites in the second courtyard, for No. 3 courtyard for my exclusive use, located in the Mao family ancestral tomb ‘Dragon Vein’ above. The Hunan construction project was completed in 1962 after 3 years, and the cost was said to be 2 million less people starving to death. I do not listen to that set, only my comfortable satisfaction. Guarded by the provincial military district independent division, 30 kilometers around the five types of molecules all clear, I also want the 47th Army Liyuan army commander to stop field exercises, stay on duty in Changsha, to keep me safe.

I also talked extensively about a coup with Li Ruishan, Hua Guofeng, and others to intimidate everyone. I felt a bit guilty myself, but when I heard everyone expressing loyalty to me, I felt reassured and happy. Returning to Beijing? I don’t have full confidence at the moment, even if they send a sedan chair carried by 16 people, I won’t go back. In the small theater of Dishui Cave, there is only me as the audience, and I don’t like having anyone sitting next to me. While I am away, there is a special plane from Beijing that delivers classified documents to me every day, including Reference News, People’s Daily, Liberation Army Daily, Guangming Daily, and others. Sometimes they make 2-3 deliveries in a day. When the special plane arrives at Changsha Airport, there are two military vehicles, one in front and one behind, escorting the document vehicle directly to Dishui Cave. The document courier, Miss Xie, is the ‘Luoyang Peony’ I have chosen. We have had private encounters several times, and when she comes to deliver the documents, she is like a fairy descending to earth, which makes me especially happy.”

Journalist: “Did Liu Shaoqi want to convene a Central Plenary Session to stop your Cultural Revolution?”

Mao: “Yes, after the Central Cultural Revolution Conference in May 1966, Liu Shaoqi, between June and July, wanted Deng Xiaoping to organize the Central Committee and bring central committee members from various provinces to Beijing to balance my power. But it dragged on and didn’t succeed. Shaoqi couldn’t seize control of the military, so what use would it be to bring in central committee members? Once the guards surrounded the central committee members, they would all keep quiet.”

Journalist: “Beijing is in complete chaos under your control. What actions did you take?”

Journalist: “Were you also fearful and apprehensive when you returned to Beijing in July 1966?”

Mao: “Yes, on July 7, 1966, I swam in the Yangtze River in Wuhan for an hour, with 5,000 people accompanying me. It was a grand gesture. I was about to return to Beijing, carrying the banner of the Cultural Revolution. I had been away from Beijing for nearly 10 months since October 1965. But I was cautious and concerned. I wondered if someone secretly set a trap to capture me and put me in their pocket. That’s why I didn’t notify Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, He Long, and others. Liu Shaoqi only found out later and went to the train station to meet me, but I didn’t show up.

On July 16, 1966, I swam in Wuhan for an hour, floating downstream for 15 kilometers. Wang Renzhong had the masses hold up signs that said ‘Follow Chairman Mao in the face of storms and tempests.’ Thousands of people on both sides cheered, showcasing my robust health and determination. I was ready to directly command the Cultural Revolution movement.

On July 18, 1966, when I returned to Beijing, I didn’t go to Zhongnanhai; instead, I went to the Fishing Pavilion first to listen to the report from the Central Cultural Revolution Group. When Liu Shaoqi heard about it, he immediately came to the Fishing Pavilion to see me, but I didn’t meet him, saying I was going to sleep. In reality, I was listening to Kang Sheng’s report. When I heard Kang Sheng’s report, I became furious and said, ‘No wonder they’re suppressing the masses everywhere, acting as if they have their own headquarters.’ The next day, on July 19, I decided to dismantle the work teams. On July 20, Tsinghua University released Kuai Dafu, who had been detained for 15 days.”

Mao continued: “Yes, Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping followed the approach of the Anti-Rightist Campaign in 1957, criticizing the party leadership and labeling them as rightists. Now, I’ve flipped the situation around. The rightists captured by the work teams have been transformed into revolutionary rebels. The faction that used to defend the party committee has become a monarchist faction. I initially tolerated the work teams led by Liu and Deng because I wanted to create divisions among the masses, foster conflicts and struggles, and then step in to resolve the situation, accusing them of pursuing a capitalist reactionary line and suppressing the masses.

Before I returned to Beijing, starting from July 13, continuous meetings were held by the Central Committee to discuss the issue of work teams. Chen Boda and Kang Sheng criticized the work teams for suppressing the masses and demanded their withdrawal, leading to disputes with Liu Shaoqi. Deng Xiaoping pointed at Chen Boda and said, ‘Why don’t you try standing in the front and face each other head-on?’ Chen Boda learned of my opinion in Shanghai by late June and did not support the appointment of work teams by the old Beijing Municipal Committee.”

Journalist: “Did you deliberately create chaos and then come to resolve it?”

Mao: “Yes, on July 29, 1966, I instructed a mass meeting to be held at the Great Hall of the People, announcing the decision to dismantle the work teams. I didn’t go up to the podium; instead, I hid backstage, smoking and listening. Deng Xiaoping and Zhou Enlai also spoke. Liu Shaoqi criticized himself and took responsibility, saying, ‘I don’t know how to conduct the revolution. The old revolutionaries are faced with new problems.’ I overheard Li Zhisui, a doctor sitting nearby, saying, ‘What old revolutionaries? They’re old counter-revolutionaries.’ Liu Shaoqi also mentioned that the appointment of work teams was a decision of the central leadership, and even the work teams didn’t know how to conduct the revolution. It was necessary to protect the minority. Finally, the conclusion was to punish the guilty. If they want to leave, let them leave; if not, they should offer criticisms, engage in self-criticism, and once they have done enough, they can leave.

Liu Shaoqi also said, ‘‘Someone at Tsinghua University wrote a reactionary slogan,’ ‘Support the Party Central Committee, Oppose Mao Zedong.’ Some people thought it was a big deal, but I don’t think it’s terrifying. He cannot have any effect and cannot disrupt the proletarian dictatorship. For people like this, it doesn’t hurt to give them some protection.” When Liu Shaoqi said this, I suddenly appeared on the podium, interrupting his speech, and the entire audience erupted in applause. In reality, I came out specifically in response to this sentence. As I briskly walked, the wind from my movement swept Liu’s speech off the podium, and he had to bend down to pick it up. At this moment, I walked to the front edge of the stage, and the whole audience cheered thunderously.

I didn’t look at Liu Shaoqi or Deng Xiaoping. Zhou Enlai was clever and good at acting in such situations, immediately leading the entire audience to sing ‘The Helmsman Guides the Great Ship through the Sea.’ I walked back and forth on the stage, waving my hand, and then, in a triumphant manner, returned to Hall 118, with Zhou Enlai following closely behind me.”

Journalist: “Your performance greatly undermined Liu Shaoqi’s authority, didn’t it?”

Mao: “Yes. On August 1, 1966, I wrote a letter to the Red Guards of Tsinghua High School, expressing my enthusiastic support for their rebellion. Even in early May, they had sent me a copy of their Three-Fold Manifesto of the Rebel Movement, which was delivered to me through Jiang Qing. I immediately felt that the students could be utilized, and I found my celestial soldiers and generals who would dismantle Liu Shaoqi’s party and government system. On August 3, Wang Renzhong summoned the Red Guards from Tsinghua High School to the Fishing Pavilion and showed them my handwritten letter. Soon, the Red Guards became influential.

On August 4, 1966, at the mass meeting of Peking University, work team leader Zhang Chengxian was whipped with a belt. Liu Meide, the vice principal of Peking University High School, had her head shaved and was forced to crawl on the playground while being kicked. She was already pregnant, and her child died shortly after birth.”

Journalist: “Did you use the Red Guards to initiate the Red August Storm?”

Mao: “Yes, on August 5, 1966, at Beijing Normal University Affiliated High School, the female principal Bian Zhongyun was beaten to death, led by Song Binbin. Following that, many teachers from various schools were also beaten to death by students.”

Journalist: “Did you want the Red Guards to be ‘militant?’”

Mao: Yes, on August 18, 1966, I met with the Red Guards at Tiananmen Square. There was a Red Guard leader named Song Binbin. I said, ‘Don’t be refined and gentle, don’t love cosmetics but love weaponry, love militancy!’ She then changed her name to “Song Aiwu” (meaning “Love Militancy”). The news spread, and a nationwide trend of changing names and embracing militancy quickly emerged, which soon developed into violent struggles (Wudou).”