Chapter 104 Final year struggle 1976

Journalist: “Was 1976 a year of anger and turmoil? Did you pass away in unrest?”

Mao: “Yes, in 1976, everything seemed to collapse. In the first half of the year, there was still a campaign to criticize Deng Xiaoping’s right-leaning trend and the capitalist-roaders were still active. In March, a heavy meteor shower fell in Jilin, with three huge meteorites, the largest weighing 1,700 kilograms, burying themselves 6.5 meters underground and creating three large craters. It was a sign of impending disaster. This year, indeed, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and I, the three key figures, all met their end.

In March, tens of thousands of people in Nanjing took to the streets to protest against the criticism of Zhou and Deng, shouting slogans such as ‘Down with the traitor Zhang Chunqiao’ and ‘Down with the counterrevolutionary Wang Hongwen.’ On April 4th, during the Qingming Festival, a movement mourning Zhou Enlai erupted at Tiananmen Square. The largest stainless steel wreath weighed three tons and directly targeted me, the ‘modern Qin Shihuang.’ I approved the crackdown, and in the dark of night, 10,000 militia armed with batons cleared the square, while 3,000 police and five military battalions surrounded and sealed off the area. I didn’t care how many casualties there were. This was the so-called ‘April 5th Tiananmen Incident.’ Shortly after, Deng Xiaoping was removed from his positions and launched a counterattack against the right-leaning trend.

On July 1st, Zhang Wentian passed away. He had been under surveillance for many years and was given the new name ‘Zhang Pu.’ No one knew that he was the Zhang Wentian who had served as General Secretary for eight years. His ashes were marked as Zhang Pu.

On July 6th, Zhu De passed away, a good old man who died peacefully.

On July 28th, the Tangshan earthquake struck, causing over 700,000 casualties and leaving the entire city devastated. Beijing was also greatly affected, with continuous aftershocks. I was scared and didn’t know what to do, so I slept in an earthquake shelter outside my house.

On September 9th, I finally reached the end. I didn’t want to die and passed away in unrest, but there was nothing I could do about it.

Lin Biao was the first person to dare to directly challenge Mao. Rogue against rogue, but I had the upper hand with my magic tricks and the power in my hands. Lin couldn’t defeat me.”

Journalist: “1976 was your last year. What was the happiest thing for you?”

Mao: “It was Zhou Enlai’s death on January 8th, 1976. When he died, I quickly removed Deng Xiaoping from his position and placed him under house arrest. The nationwide campaign to criticize Deng’s right-leaning trend and reverse the verdicts began. I designated obedient and well-behaved Hua Guofeng as the Premier to succeed Zhou Enlai. I didn’t use Zhang Chunqiao because he posed too much resistance. Mao Yuanxin opposed my appointment of Hua Guofeng, saying he lacked capability and couldn’t even articulate himself clearly in meetings. I said, ‘I precisely want someone who lacks capability.’ I saw his incompetence, lack of a political base, and lack of ambition, which would allow Jiang Qing to take power in the future.”

Journalist: “Zhou Enlai’s passing eased your hatred?”

Mao: “Yes, Zhou Enlai’s death before mine relieved a great burden from my heart. I asked Wang Dongxing and Zhang Yaoqi if there would be a coup after Zhou’s death. They both said absolutely not. They reassured me that with my ideology and guidance, there would be no coup. But I said, ‘There will be, so you should be prepared.’

On January 11th, 1976, Zhou Enlai’s body was cremated at Babaoshan. Millions of people endured the severe cold and silently mourned along the ten-li-long street. I read the briefing in silence. The sight of millions of people was overwhelming. I didn’t expect that over a million people would spontaneously gather on Chang’an Avenue to bid farewell to Zhou Enlai.

Zhang Yufeng invited me to dinner three times, but I remained silent. Wang Dongxing also invited me to dinner, and I erupted in anger, scolding, ‘Get lost, all of you! You’re blocking the news from me.’ During the Spring Festival, I ordered Zhang Yufeng to set off firecrackers to celebrate Zhou Enlai’s passing. The sound of firecrackers helped drive away my feelings of fear and frustration.

I had long hoped for Zhou Enlai’s early demise. With his passing, I felt particularly relaxed and joyful. In Yan’an, during the Rectification Campaign, I dealt with Wang Ming, but he was just a figurehead without real power. Zhou, on the other hand, was substantial and surrounded by a large group of people. In Jiangxi, he was my adversary and my superior. He criticized and marginalized me. No one else in my life could ever marginalize me. We couldn’t get rid of him in Yan’an due to concerns about telegrams from Moscow, urging me to protect Wang Ming and Zhou Enlai. I couldn’t defy those orders. Zhou always sought compromise. Even in the past couple of years, we specifically held Politburo meetings to criticize Zhou publicly and subjected him to several days of criticism. He was left battered and bruised, but he persisted.”

Journalist: “Mao Yuanxin was transferred to your side. You greatly favored and utilized him, right?”

Mao: “Yes, my nephew was born in Xinjiang in 1940. After Mao Zedong’s death, he was sent to Yan’an, where Jiang Qing raised him. By 1975, he had risen to become the top leader in Liaoning as the Party Secretary. In September 1975, he was transferred to my side as a liaison officer. He represented me in attending Politburo meetings and conveyed my highest instructions. He had a sharp mind and repeatedly suggested that I transfer Qiu Li, the leader of Liaoning’s First Army, to Beijing under his control. However, I trusted Wang Dongxing and thought it unnecessary. I gave vague responses without clear approval. Of course, I trusted Mao Yuanxin more than Hua Guofeng, but he was only 36 years old. I feared that he would provoke resistance from the older veterans, so I didn’t let him surpass Hua Guofeng. If I had followed his advice, it would likely have caused turmoil. At that time, I was in the twilight years, lacking energy and time to undergo major political surgery.

After I removed Deng Xiaoping from his position, he ran off to Guangzhou and was protected by Xu Shiyou. Mao Yuanxin and others requested that he be brought back to Beijing, but I gave vague responses without consenting. Unexpectedly, after my death, Wang Dongxing arrested Jiang Qing and the Gang of Four, including Mao Yuanxin.

Journalist: “In 1976, when you were seriously ill, how did you choose your successor?”

Mao: “Lin Biao’s death caused a major split among the factions of the Cultural Revolution, with power struggles and fights to the death. After that, my health deteriorated significantly, and I was plagued by illness. I knew my remaining days were limited, and I also knew that the Cultural Revolution had failed, but I absolutely could not admit it. I fell into a state of absent-mindedness and inner terror. I dared not lean to the left or the right, so I could only play with balance. In my mind, Jiang Qing was the one I wanted to succeed me. She was the most reliable, but I was afraid that she wouldn’t be able to stand her ground if the military opposed her. In the end, I chose Hua Guofeng. He was honest, reliable, mediocre, and neither leaning left nor right made it inconvenient for anyone to oppose him.

In January 1976, when Zhou Enlai died, I decided that he would become the First Vice Chairman of the Party Central Committee and the Premier of the State Council. I trembled as I wrote him a six-character message: ‘You handle the work, I feel relieved.’”

Journalist: “Did you choose Hua Guofeng because of his incompetence, to allow Jiang Qing to take power?”

Mao: “Yes, I was most afraid that Zhou would die after me. If I died before him, then he would be the only one in charge, and how could I die without a clear conscience? Now that Zhou died first, how could I not set off firecrackers to celebrate during the New Year? But due to the atmosphere of mourning around me, I couldn’t say it explicitly. I could only casually tell Zhang Yufeng, ‘Set off some firecrackers, young people like it.’ When I heard the sound of firecrackers, I couldn’t help but show a rare smile. With Zhou gone, I could arrange the successor more freely.

On February 3rd, 1976, I approved the issuance of a document to confirm Hua Guofeng as the Acting Premier, in charge of the daily work of the Central Committee. That evening, I asked Wang Dongxing, Mao Yuanxin, Zhang Yufeng, and Zhang Yaoqi: now that personnel arrangements are completed, what about after I pass away? Who will become the Chairman?” Wang Dongxing, in an official manner, said, ‘We will follow your arrangements.’ I said, ‘I’m asking all of you, don’t say I’m too dictatorial.’ Everyone remained silent, and Mao Yuanxin spoke up first: ‘Jiang Qing.’ I nodded, and then Mao Yuanxin mentioned the names of Hua Guofeng, Wang Hongwen, Wang Dongxing, Ji Dengkui, and a few others. I added Chen Xilian.”

Journalist: “Did you not expect such a large number of people mourning Zhou Enlai?”

Mao: “Yes, before the Qingming Festival in April 1976, there was a large number of people mourning Zhou Enlai at Tiananmen Square. From many poems, it was evident that they were dissatisfied with me and were demonstrating against me. After listening to reports from Hua Guofeng, Jiang Qing, and others, I told them: The mourning for the Premier is in name, but it is actually directed against the contemporary Qin Shi Huang, Mao Runzhi. It aims to overthrow and eliminate Jiang Qing, Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao, Wen Yuan, and also Hua Guofeng, in order to welcome the restoration of Deng Xiaoping’s power.

On the evening of April 4th, I reviewed the Politburo’s opinion that this was a planned and organized counter-revolutionary activity, and I agreed to use force without hesitation to clear the square. That night, the clearing of wreaths, banners, and the arrest of counter-revolutionaries began. On April 5th, there were serious conflicts between the masses on the square, the militia, and the military police. Ten thousand militia members were brought in from Baoding because they were afraid that the Beijing militia would not be able to act. On the night of April 5th, at 10:30 p.m., the clearance began, with the assistance of 3,000 public security personnel and five battalions of soldiers armed with batons. Dozens of people were injured, and the square was stained with blood. All the wreaths were removed and the square was cleaned with water cannons.”

Journalist: “The use of force to clear Tiananmen Square, did you and Jiang Qing feel happy about it?”

Mao: “Yes, that night, Jiang Qing hid in the Great Hall of the People and used binoculars to observe the situation of suppressing the crowd. After 11 p.m., she came to the swimming pool with Moutai liquor, peanuts, and a pig’s head, and reported the good news to me. Then she said to the people around me, ‘We have won, let’s toast.’ She also said, ‘I want to be a stick so that I can beat people in the future.’ On April 6th, I watched the recording and praised it, saying ‘Good! Good! Good!’ I said, ‘Morale is greatly boosted.’ Mao Yuanxin reported to me that they would continue to organize 30,000 militia members and 9 battalions of troops on standby at Tiananmen Square. I agreed.”

Journalist: “Jiang Qing celebrated the victory of clearing the square with you, and Zhou Enlai was gone. What about Deng Xiaoping?”

Mao: “I suspected that Deng Xiaoping was behind the Tiananmen Square incident, so I ordered him to be arrested and detained. I was afraid that the military, under Deng Xiaoping’s direction, would carry out a coup, and I was also afraid that the Soviet Union would take advantage and launch an attack. I asked Wang Dongxing to increase security measures, deploy heavy weapons, and strengthen air defense preparations in case of Soviet aircraft attacks.

In late April 1976, as I lay in bed listening to the staff reading reports, I learned that there had been a large-scale meteorite rain in Jilin not long ago. A meteorite flew over Jilin and exploded in the sky above the suburbs of Jilin City. The meteorites fell within an area of over 500 square kilometers, with three pieces weighing over 100 kilograms, and the largest one weighing 1,770 kilograms, far exceeding the weight of the largest meteorite in the world.”

Journalist: “Wow, were you panicked by the meteorites coming towards you? Was it a sign from heaven?”

Mao: “Yes, I was terrified when I heard about it. It immediately instinctively made me sit up from the bed. I couldn’t stay still; I wanted to get down. The staff supported me as I walked to the window. My mind was unsettled as I stared at the twilight-covered sky for a long time, deep in thought. It was an unusual celestial phenomenon. Could it be that the heavens were punishing me, warning me that I was about to fall like a meteorite? My lips moved, wanting to say something, but no words came out. I felt as if my eyes were frozen, unsure of what to do.”

Journalist: “Were you afraid of the three large meteorites falling in Jilin?”

Mao: “Yes, I was afraid, but there was nothing I could do. I realized that this year, Zhou, Zhu, and I, the three prominent figures, were finished. It was a sign from heaven. Zhou Enlai had already passed away, and next in line were Zhu De and me. Throughout history, the fall of meteorites has symbolized the end of emperors, indicating a change of dynasty. I was afraid, but it was futile. I could only follow the will of heaven and accept my fate.”

Journalist: “What happened after the meteorites fell?”

Mao: “Less than two months later, I had a major heart attack, and I was close to the gate of the King of Hell. On June 10th, Deng Xiaoping wrote me a letter requesting to return home.

On July 6th, 1976, Zhu De passed away. I heard his last words: ‘I don’t understand what the Cultural Revolution is about. The party no longer resembles a party, the country no longer resembles a country. I want to ask the Chairman: Whose lives are being revolutionized by the Cultural Revolution? Dedicated comrades who wholeheartedly served the party and the country have become labeled as capitalists. Every day they fight and fight. This once well-functioning country has been turned into this. History will make its judgment.’ Wasn’t he clearly questioning me? How could I respond? I was afraid of facing a scene similar to mourning Zhou Enlai, but it remained relatively calm. I also breathed a sigh of relief.”

Journalist: “Zhu De passed away too, and his last words questioned you?”

Journalist: “Zhu Mao, Zhu Mao, did you make Zhu De your lifelong trademark?”

Mao: “Yes, Zhu De participated in the Nanchang Uprising in 1927, which became the emblem of the Party’s army. During the period in Jiangxi, he followed the party’s leadership and never opposed me. While I engaged in misconduct in Jiangxi, even Chiang Kai-shek’s newspapers reported on the ‘Zhu Mao’ killings and arson. From then on, I happily used the ‘Zhu Mao’ label to counter Chiang. During the Long March, I abruptly left Zhang Guotao and headed north overnight. Zhu did not go north; he stayed with Zhang Guotao, mediating and compromising between me and Zhang. Later, when we arrived in Shaanxi, I didn’t touch Zhang Guotao, but Zhu. During the Xi’an Incident, the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, he served as the commander of the Eighth Route Army on the frontline. Later, I kept him in Yan’an to work with me, using the ‘Zhu Mao’ label to deal with Chiang. In reality, he had no power; it was all my decision. The ‘Zhu Mao’ label was used from the resistance against Japan to the civil war between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Until 1949, there was a song in the army called ‘Commander-in-Chief Zhu’s Orders’—at that time, there were no songs praising me yet. During army meetings, portraits of Zhu and I hung side by side in the auditorium. After the peaceful liberation of Beijing in 1949, portraits of Zhu and I also hung side by side at Tiananmen Square. It was only after 1950 that portraits of only me were displayed because the ‘Zhu Mao’ anti-Chiang war had ended, and I no longer needed that label.”

Journalist: “Did Zhu De have any real power? What did you assign him to oversee?”

Mao: “I asked him to oversee handicraft industries, but it was merely nominal. In reality, I didn’t let him oversee anything. I only invited him to attend meetings, listen, accompany, but never allowed him to speak. Having his name in newspapers was enough. When he had nothing to do, he grew orchids. Orchids are afraid of the sun, so he asked to build a shelter. When the request reached me, I criticized it, saying, ‘Zhongnanhai is not Zhu’s garden.’ He got angry and sent all the orchids to Zhongshan Park.”

Journalist: “You were too much, not even allowing him to build a small shelter?”

Mao: “I was dissatisfied with his right-leaning tendencies; we weren’t on the same page. During the Lushan Conference in 1959, when we criticized Peng Dehuai, Zhu asked me to recall the feelings from decades ago in Jiangxi. He made a speech criticizing Peng, and I lifted my foot and scratched my shoe a few times, saying to him, ‘Scratching the itch over the boot.’ He immediately blushed and didn’t speak again. I had Peng placed under house arrest at Wujia Garden in Beijing’s Western Hills, and Zhu often went there to play chess and pass the time.”

Journalist: “During the Cultural Revolution, did you also target Zhu De?”

Mao: “Yes, I instructed during the May 1966 Central Cultural Revolution Conference to criticize his right-leaning opportunism. I suspected he wanted to launch a military coup because he was the First Marshal with significant influence. I had to suppress him first to set an example for other marshals. Later, I allowed the Red Guards to raid his home, but I was concerned about the potential repercussions, so I didn’t allow them to hold meetings to criticize him. Afterward, he remained on the sidelines, living in seclusion. It wasn’t until after I attended Chen Yi’s memorial service in 1972 that I allowed him to make a comeback as Chairman of the National People’s Congress. He participated in ceremonial diplomatic receptions, regaining a small portion of his previous influence. He continued to serve until his death in July 1976, passing away before me, and only then did I feel at ease.”

Journalist: “How did you feel about the Tangshan earthquake?”

Mao: “I felt it was a sign from heaven. In March, meteorites fell in Jilin, and the three largest ones foreshadowed the deaths of three prominent figures. In July, the Tangshan earthquake occurred, resulting in the death of hundreds of thousands of people. It was as if Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and I were being buried together.”

Journalist: “After the Tangshan earthquake, did you have a sense that your time was near? How did you arrange the succession?”

Mao: “I arranged for three successors. Mao Yuanxin was the first, appointed as Chairman of the Military Commission. Hua Guofeng was appointed as the Premier, and Jiang Qing as the Party Chairman. It was a proletarian imperial system that I passed down.”

Journalist: “Mao Yuanxin became the Chairman of the Military Commission, ranking first. He was only in his thirties. Can he handle the responsibility?”

Mao: “Yes, Yuanxin was too young, so I found a key figure to ‘act as his guardian.’ First was Hua Guofeng, who was very honest and loyal to me, so there was no problem. Second was Wang Dongxing, who controlled the central security forces. I had some reservations about him, but he kneeled before me and promised to protect Yuanxin. Third was Ye Jianying, a powerful figure in charge of the military, but I suspected his sincerity. However, I had no other options.”

Journalist: “How did you deal with Deng Xiaoping?”

Mao: “On July 19, 1976, I approved Deng Xiaoping’s release and allowed him to live with his family, but he was still under house arrest. After the ‘4.5 Tiananmen Incident’ in 1976, I still harbored hatred in my heart. I often recalled the nine articles I wrote in 1941 criticizing Zhou Enlai and Wang Ming. These articles were only circulated among the top leadership and never published. I had someone dig them out and read them to me. It allowed me to savor and vent my resentment, giving me great satisfaction. When I wrote them in 1941, there were praises for Liu Shaoqi, but I had them all crossed out.”

Journalist: “You are still obsessed with revisiting the nine articles you wrote for criticism?”

Mao: “Yes, my resentment is hard to dissipate. Many of my comrades with whom I once worked have died, and most of their deaths were caused by me. Liu Shaoqi and Peng Dehuai were killed by me. Lin Biao was forced to flee and died in a plane crash. Zhou Enlai was tormented and died from illness. Only Deng Xiaoping can still enjoy a peaceful family life.”

Journalist: “Looking back on your life, you see yourself as a winner, right? You defeated all your enemies.”

Mao: “No, in the end, I feel like a failure. I wanted to become the world’s communist emperor, but I didn’t achieve it. I depleted our national strength, developed a few atomic bombs, but our missiles couldn’t reach far. Our navy was only as big as a little finger. I once told Henry Kissinger that there were only two superpowers in the world, and China lagged behind Europe and Japan. I ranked last. During President Ford’s visit to China, I told him that I could only make empty threats and curse people.”

Journalist: “Weren’t you a leader of the Third World?”

Mao: “That was self-proclaimed. In the past two years, I fought to be recognized as a world leader one last time. I redefined the three worlds, with impoverished Asia, Africa, and Latin America as the Third World, and I positioned myself as the leader of the Third World. Unfortunately, very few Third World countries listened to me. My self-proclaimed role as the leader of the Third World had a name but no substance, only the Chinese appreciated it.”

Journalist: “But you often met with foreign leaders and considered yourself a world leader, right?”

Mao: “Yes, I enjoyed meeting with foreign leaders to satisfy my desire for being a world leader. In May 1976, my vision was blurred, and I couldn’t speak clearly, but I still met with Laotian Prime Minister Kaysone and Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew. The last time I met with a foreign guest was on May 27, when I met with Pakistani President Bhutto. These meetings were just casual chats. The meeting with Bhutto lasted only ten minutes, and serious political issues could not be discussed. In reality, I was already a critically ill patient. I could only sit on the sofa to welcome him; I couldn’t even stand up.”

Journalist: “You can’t stand up anymore. Are you preparing for your funeral arrangements?”

Mao: “Yes, on the night of May 30, 1976, I broke out in a heavy sweat, fainted, couldn’t eat, and had to use a nasal feeding tube.

On June 15, 1976, I summoned Hua Guofeng, Jiang Qing, Mao Yuanxin, and others to discuss my posthumous arrangements.

I said, ‘Life at 70 is rare. When one is old, one must consider one’s afterlife. There is an old saying in China that goes, “The verdict is only reached after the coffin is sealed.” Although my coffin is not sealed yet, it will happen soon. We can make the arrangements, right? I have done two things in my life. One is fighting against Chiang Kai-shek for so many years and driving him to those few small islands. During the eight years of resistance against Japan, I sent the Japanese back to their homeland. There aren’t many people who disagree with these accomplishments, just a few who whisper in my ear, suggesting that I should reclaim those islands sooner. The other thing you all know is the launching of the Cultural Revolution. There are not many people who support this, but there are many who oppose it. These two matters are not yet concluded, and this ‘legacy’ must be handed over to the next generation. How will it be handed over? If peaceful means fail, it will be handed over amid turmoil, and if things don’t go well, it may result in ‘bloodshed and chaos.’ So, what can be done? Only Heaven knows.’

These words were written by Zhang Yufeng based on my fragmented and unclear oral speech. She put them together coherently and showed them to me. The meaning was not lost. At that time, it was difficult for others to understand what I was saying.”

Journalist: “Winning against Chiang Kai-shek and launching the Cultural Revolution, are these the two major events of your life? Neither of them can be considered successful?”

Mao: “It’s hard to say. On the evening of June 26, 1976, I had a myocardial infarction and received emergency treatment. Hua Guofeng also came. It wasn’t until 4 a.m. that the situation stabilized. To enhance the nursing care, a group of 24 nurses was brought in, working in three shifts per day. There were also three doctors per shift. Two other doctors took turns monitoring the electrocardiogram. The four members of the Politburo Standing Committee, Hua Guofeng, Zhang Chunqiao, Wang Hongwen, and Wang Dongxing, took turns on duty. Jiang Qing rarely came.”

Journalist: “Wow, the team taking care of you in the end was quite powerful, with three doctors and eight nurses per shift, working in three shifts per day.”

Journalist: “Yes, on July 15, 1976, I summoned Mao Yuanxin, Hua Guofeng, Jiang Qing, Wang Dongxing, and others and designated seven Standing Committee members to succeed me: Mao Yuanxin, Hua Guofeng, Jiang Qing, Chen Xilian, Ji Dengkui, Wang Dongxing, and Zhang Yufeng. Jiang Qing was placed last and disagreed. Originally, I wanted her to be the Chairman of the Central Committee, but it seems there was too much resistance. So I brought Mao Yuanxin up. Mao Yuanxin is the person I liked seeing the most. With my son gone, he is the only reliable person to inherit my legacy. Whenever Zhang Yufeng said he wanted to see me, I always saw him quickly. I liked listening to what he had to say and the issues he reflected.”

Journalist: “Why didn’t you choose anyone from both the left and the right and instead chose Hua Guofeng as your successor?”

Mao: “Hua Guofeng is an individual, dull and incapable of rallying support. He has no troops or factions of his own. He can’t establish a power base or form his own team. Neither the left nor the right have any objections. I asked him to come forward as the ‘acting’ Premier. I trust him to stabilize the situation and facilitate a smooth transition to Jiang Qing.”

Journalist: “So, in the end, you wanted your wife Jiang Qing to succeed you?”

Mao: “Yes, that was my intention, for her to become the Party Chairman. However, I couldn’t do it while I was alive to avoid being labeled as a ‘couple party,’ a ‘Mao dynasty,’ and making the Communist Party look bad. I could only lay the groundwork while I was alive, and they would carry it out after my death.”

Journalist: “Oh, your final wish was for Mao Yuanxin to become Chairman and Jiang Qing to follow behind?”

Mao: “Yes, on July 17, 1976, Hua Guofeng presided over a Politburo meeting to report on the situation regarding my myocardial infarction. Jiang Qing said, ‘The doctors described the illness as very serious and frightening. Their thinking hasn’t been properly reformed. The doctors are bourgeois gentlemen, and the nurses are bourgeois girls. Chairman has always said that we should only listen to one-third of what the doctors say.’ Hua Guofeng said, ‘We don’t understand medicine; we can only rely on the doctors.’”

Jiang Qing frequently berated people during the meetings. During the July National Planning Conference, she instigated attacks on Hua Guofeng in Shanghai. Wang Dongxing was very dissatisfied with Jiang Qing, and even privately said to the doctor, Li Zhisui, ‘The work is very difficult. What do you think about taking this opportunity, while the Chairman hasn’t recovered, to get rid of Jiang Qing?’”

Journalist: “Did Jiang Qing still say that your illness was not serious in the end?”

Mao: “Yes, at 3 a.m. on July 28, 1976, the Tangshan earthquake occurred. I was still awake, lying in bed, when the entire bed shook and swayed in all directions. I knew it was an earthquake. The staff quickly came to help me up and lead me outside to seek safety. I was frightened and didn’t know what to do, my eyes fixed in a daze. I realized that once again, the heavens were issuing a warning. This earthquake was much more severe than the meteor shower in Jilin. I was in a state of panic for a long time, unable to calm down. The staff could clearly see that my doomsday was approaching. For safety reasons, I was moved from the swimming pool to the newly built official garden. After the major earthquake, many countries expressed assistance according to humanitarian norms, but I relied on no one and refused all help. The earthquake claimed 240,000 lives, but I didn’t care how many died. However, during the earthquake in my old age, I felt that I was close to death, and I wept with a broken heart, wailing loudly.”

Journalist: “The massive earthquake almost drove you to a mental breakdown?”

Mao: “Yes, from July to August 1976, Zhang Yufeng still showed me movies, although the doctors didn’t recommend watching too much. But with nothing else to do all day, it was too stifling. I needed some entertainment. When I saw the scenes of the army entering the city in 1949, warmly welcomed by the masses, people filled with hope. However, in these 27 years, I brought about a bloodbath and rivers of blood flowed, with corpses strewn everywhere and countless starving individuals. People didn’t dare to speak openly, but behind my back, they cursed me. Thinking about the Tiananmen Square incident openly opposing me, I couldn’t control myself and burst into tears, crying uncontrollably until I lost my voice. I was ashamed to face anyone. In my twilight years, reminiscing about the past, I also wanted to return to my hometown, but there were no loved ones by my side. Only a few maids were around.”

Journalist: “Oh, the movie showing the welcoming scenes of the army entering the city in 1949 made you cry?”

Mao: “Yes, I asked the people around me to bring me ‘Ode to Withered Trees,’ ‘Ode to Farewell,’ ‘Ode to Snow,’ and recited them repeatedly. The trees were withering, just like me. How could one endure such circumstances? These were the poems I read at the end of my life. In late August 1976, I became restless and couldn’t sleep.

On August 28, 1976, Jiang Qing went to Tianjin for activities, meeting with workers and troops, and even said, ‘Chairman Mao is in good health.’”

Journalist: “In 1976, in your final days, Jiang Qing led a large group of dozens of people to Dazhai. What do you think was the reason?”

Mao: Jiang Qing didn’t like staying by my side in sorrow during my final days. She wanted to go out and enjoy herself, seeing that I was deteriorating. She didn’t care about my final arrangements and focus on my well-being. Her main concern was her own succession. She went to Dazhai to prepare public opinion for herself, selecting 18 writers, several notable journalists to accompany her, as well as undercover personnel. Dozens of personnel from a security detachment formed a special train, accompanied by Chen Yonggui. Shanxi gave her a grand welcome. She even brought her three prized bay horses, with two veterinarians in tow. She enjoyed horseback riding. Since 1966, Beihai Park had been closed to the public and became her private garden. She kept over ten Xinjiang and Mongolian horses there for her leisurely horseback riding. She also opened a racecourse at Diaoyutai. She wanted to create favorable public opinion for herself in Dazhai, praising her, and ascend the throne after my death. She claimed that she would settle down in Dazhai, study labor for three months, and share the fate of the 700 million farmers. She played in Dazhai for four days before being urgently summoned back to Beijing by Hua Guofeng and Mao Yuanxin. It meant that I was truly nearing the end.”

Journalist: “By watching ‘Ode to Withered Trees’ and ‘Ode to Farewell,’ did you realize that your life was coming to an end?”

Mao: “Yes, on September 2, 1976, I had a new myocardial infarction, which was larger in size, and my whole body was nearing exhaustion. However, my mind was still clear. I asked the doctors several times if there was any danger.

On September 5, 1976, Hua Guofeng saw that I was deteriorating, so he called Jiang Qing to come back. She was in Dazhai at that time. She came back to see me briefly that evening and then went to sleep.

On September 7, 1976, I still had power on my mind. I thought about Miki Takeo of Japan, who was deciding whether to step up or step down in the election. I gestured for them to bring me his book and read it for a few minutes.

On September 7, 1976, I entered a critical condition. Just as I was about to fall asleep, Jiang Qing came. Ignoring the doctors’ dissuasion, she rubbed my back, applied body powder, and moved my limbs. Strangely, she said to the doctors and nurses, ‘You should be happy.’ That night, Jiang Qing came again and brought me some documents.

In the early morning of September 8, Jiang Qing came and wanted to turn me over, but the doctors disagreed. She insisted on doing it anyway. As a result, my face turned purple, and my breathing stopped. After rescue efforts, the situation eased. Hua Guofeng told Jiang Qing not to interfere with the doctors’ emergency treatment.”

Journalist: “During your critical condition, Jiang Qing came to be active and bring documents?”

Mao: “Yes, at 4 p.m. on September 8, I gestured to see the documents. It was the last time in my life that I looked at documents. The staff brought central documents and held them up for me to see. It didn’t matter what I was looking at; I had no reaction. However, looking at documents was my political life. Even at the end of my life, I still wanted to appear as though I was in charge, to show that I was still here, still in control. I never gave up power, even until my death.”

Journalist: “Oh, even on your deathbed, you wanted to see documents to show that you were still in power?”

Mao: “Yes, between 6 and 7 p.m. on September 8, I was in a dying state. Politburo members came to visit me in batches. I could vaguely recognize who was who. When Ye Jianying’s name was reported, I heard Ye Jianying and opened my eyes wide, wanting to talk to him. But I could only move my lips. I held his hand with one hand and stared at him. I thought Jiang Qing and the others wanted the military to protect them. Ye Jianying, as the marshal I relied on, was the last person I shook hands with in my life. I never forgot that the military was the backbone of my existence.” Journalist: “You held Ye Jianying’s hand in your final moments to have the military protect Jiang Qing?”

Mao: “Yes, on September 8, 1976, I was already aware that I was on the verge of complete decline, but my mind was still clear. I was about to pass away, but I didn’t want to die or give up power. I wanted to maintain it as long as possible. With my eyes half-closed and my lips moving slightly, I couldn’t speak. The doctors saw that I seemed to want to say something, so they quickly brought Zhang Yufeng and asked, ‘What does the Chairman want to say?’ After looking at me, Zhang Yufeng said, ‘The Chairman asks, is there any hope for my recovery?’ That was the last thing I wanted to say. Zhang Yufeng understood my thoughts best. I was about to die, but I still hoped to live a little longer. Upon hearing this, Dr. Li immediately said loudly, ‘Yes, there is great hope. We are doing our best…’ It was the biggest lie he ever told me. He had always been honest with me. His ‘great hope’ was not only said for me to hear, but also for the high-ranking officials around me, to avoid being blamed for ‘doctors causing the death of the Chairman’.”

Journalist: “Oh, so you didn’t want to die in the end, and you wanted to live a little longer?”

Journalist: “Yes, but on September 9, 1976, at 12:10 a.m., my electrocardiogram showed a flatline, and my heart stopped beating. I died helplessly.”

Journalist: “In 1976, you died. Did you die peacefully?”

Mao: “Not peacefully. I exited unwillingly. As the most evil demon king in China’s millennium, I was summoned by the Jade Emperor to hell. It was the Year of the Dragon in China, and the Chinese dragon rose again. As for me, being a snake, I slinked away and disappeared underground.”