Chapter 76 Yan’an Rectification Movement: terrorizing people under the guise of reform 1942-1944

Journalist: “What was the purpose of the rectification movement in Yan’an?”

Mao: “The rectification movement in Yan’an was actually about targeting and attacking individuals, not about rectifying any specific style. During the war against Japan, while I stayed in the rear and didn’t directly engage the Japanese, I focused on purging dissenting elements within the party. It was the first Mao Zedong movement that I personally initiated. My approach of targeting, attacking, and even killing individuals followed the Stalinist model, but I took it to a more detailed and thorough level. It lasted for a longer period of time and had a greater impact. It was like slaughtering a pig, cutting it piece by piece. The process took two years, causing cries for help to echo far and wide. In the end, I would raise up those who had kneeled and surrendered, demanding their unwavering loyalty and obedience to me, making them my submissive tools.”

Journalist: “While Japan was launching a major offensive, you focused on purging your own people instead of fighting the Japanese?”

Mao: “Yes, I prioritized purging our own people first. On June 22, 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, which had a significant impact on me. The Soviet Union was our sponsor, but now they might be preoccupied and their aid would be reduced. I couldn’t sleep well. If I were to engage in a full- scale conflict with the Kuomintang, I couldn’t rely on the Soviet Union to come to our aid. I immediately ordered to ‘cease any aggressive actions against the Kuomintang.’

As for Japan, after Germany invaded the Soviet Union, Stalin was concerned about being caught between enemies on both sides and wanted me to keep Japan occupied and assist the Soviet Union in fighting against Japan if Japan were to invade the Soviet Union. Moscow sent a message asking me how many Japanese forces we could possibly attract if Japan attacked the Soviet Union. To encourage me, in July 1941, Dimitrov sent a telegram that they saying would gradually send $1 million. I believed that Japan would attack the Soviet Union, and a Sino-Japanese war was highly likely to erupt. But even so, we could not fight against Japan. On July 18, 1941, I sent a telegram to Liu Shaoqi stating, ‘Large-scale actions are still not suitable. Our various conditions are weak, and a major offensive would weaken our vitality, which is unfavorable to us and the Soviet Union.’ My policy was to let the Soviets fight on their own: ‘The overall situation depends on the Soviet Union winning the war.’ We could only have ‘strategic coordination, long- term coordination, not tactical coordination.’ I repeatedly ordered, ‘Do not excessively provoke the Japanese.’”

Journalist: “So, you chose to not engage Japan, focusing on preserving yourself and strengthening your own power?”

Mao: “Yes. Stalin personally sent me several telegrams asking me to keep Japan occupied. One was when German troops were approaching Moscow, and another was on the eve of the Battle of Stalingrad. I politely refused several times. This angered Moscow. I suggested luring the enemy deep into our territory and conducting guerrilla warfare in the Urals, which further infuriated the Soviet Union. General Kuznetsov even said that I wanted to use Hitler’s attack to replace the Soviet Union.

Both Stalin and I prioritized our own interests. This led to occasional conflicts between us, but despite being annoyed with each other, we never stopped interacting with each other.”

Journalist: “Oh, Stalin was the number one in the Soviet Union, and you claim to be the number one?”

Mao: “Yes. Since I no longer fight against the Japanese or Chiang Kai-shek, I have some free time. I have started to rectify the party and turn it into my obedient machine, absolutely loyal to me. By the second half of 1941, the Communist Party of China had 700,000 members, with 90% joining after the resistance against Japan began. Many of them were young, enthusiastic idealists who came from Kuomintang-controlled areas to the Communist base. The majority of those who joined the party in the rural areas during the Long March and the base were illiterate, while the newcomers had a higher level of education. I want to rectify the party, and these passionate young people are the primary target.”

Journalist: “So, your main focus is on the educated youth?”

Mao: “Yes, they were disappointed with the Kuomintang, and very few people outside know about the tragedy I caused in Jiangxi. There were around 40,000 passionate young people gathered in Yan’an, most of them around the age of 20, brought to the ‘Revolutionary Holy Land’ by the underground party. They were filled with excitement. Finally, they set eyes on the walls of Yan’an, so thrilled that tears welled up in their eyes. They cheered non-stop, their songs echoed through the air, singing the ‘Internationale.’ Everywhere these young people felt freshness, excitement, and mystery. The song of the ‘Ode to Yan’an’ resounded throughout the city.

They were enrolled in various schools for training. However, they soon became disappointed. What disappointed them was the inequality. ‘Equality’ was the core of their ideals, yet in the revolutionary holy land, there was so much inequality and privilege. Meals were divided into three categories: large, medium, and small. The meat and oil in the medium category were twice as much as the large category, and even more in the small category. The high- ranking leaders had special nutritious food. The inequality was also reflected in their clothing. Regular people wore coarse and prickly clothes made of rough fabric. The leaders wore imported twill fabric. The underwear I wore was made of extremely fine cloth. Regular people couldn’t afford to wear underwear and socks; they could only wear hollow cotton-padded jackets.”

Journalist: “Oh, so the revolutionary youth became disappointed. So Yan’an turned out to be unequal, with disparities in food and clothing, a clear hierarchy. Did their ideals shatter?”

Mao: “Yes. Daily necessities like tobacco, candles, and writing paper were distributed based on hierarchy. Even the distribution of medicine was based on hierarchy. I had an American doctor named Ma Haide and two Soviet doctors, but the general population lacked medical care and medicine.

The hospital had separate wards or high-ranking officials and regular patients, and even the meals for patients were categorized.

Yan’an had only one car, donated by a Chinese laundry worker in New York for transporting wounded soldiers. But it became my exclusive car. When people saw me and Jiang Qing riding around in the car, showing off, onlookers stared. Young people spread the word, saying, ‘In Yan’an, three things are equal: the sun, the air, and the toilet.’ I knew that privilege was a sensitive issue for people. I had the party propaganda explain the hierarchical system: ‘Comrades, it’s not that the leaders demand enjoyment, but it’s the party’s order because leaders contribute to the party and bear responsibilities. The party orders them to maintain their health. Chairman Mao wants him to eat a chicken every day.’”

Journalist: “Haha, does your propaganda machine work?”

Mao: “Hard to say. The privileged system extended to the Japanese Communist Party members and prisoners of war in Yan’an. The highest- ranking leader was Nozaka Sanzo. I wanted him to be in a good mood, so I found a female comrade for him. He was the only one allowed to have sexual relations.”

Journalist: “Haha, did you find a temporary wife for the leader of the Japanese Communist Party too?”

Mao: “Yes. Despite the disappointment, the young people couldn’t leave. Once they entered Yan’an, they couldn’t escape. It was difficult to run away, and if caught, they would be executed. I wanted to use this group of people as the foundation of my power. They were the raw materials, and I needed them to charge into battle for me. I had to transform and reshape them to make them my obedient tools. My method was the ‘Rectification Campaign,’ which began in early 1942.”

Journalist: “So, you invented the Rectification Campaign?”

Mao: “Yes, in reality, it was about ‘rectifying’ people, cruelly so. Calling it ‘Rectification’ sounds softer and more pleasant.”

Journalist: “Why did you particularly rely on Kang Sheng for the ‘rectification’?”

Mao: “Because Kang Sheng and I were alike, compatible with my taste. I needed someone as ruthless and heartless as me, someone who disregarded facts, to be my henchman and enforcer for the Yan’an Rectification Campaign. In fact, before 1937, I didn’t know him. In 1933, he went to Moscow, loyal to Wang Ming. In 1937, he returned to China with Wang Ming, reached Yan’an, broke away from Wang Ming, and pledged his loyalty to me. That’s when I wanted him to be my sharp knife. He learned Stalin’s methods of killing from the Soviet Union, bloody methods of ‘rectification,’ with no need for evidence. He would say whoever was a spy was a spy. I also understood that there might be wrongful accusations, but I didn’t care as long as terror could establish my authority. I didn’t care how many sacrifices were made.”

Journalist: “Kang Sheng, after the end of the Rectification Campaign in Yan’an, served as one of your top leaders for over a decade during your reign as the emperor. Why did you eventually neglect him?

Mao: “It’s because Kang Sheng wrongly accused too many people, which created resentment among many mid- to high-ranking cadres in Yan’an. I couldn’t reconcile the situation and continue to use him. He also had some health issues, so I had to sideline him and let him rest. He retained his position as a alternate member of the Politburo. However, in 1958, I once again reinstated him nd he made contributions during the Lushan Conference in 1959. He also made contributions during the Cultural Revolution.”