II. SEIZE POWER 1935—1949
Seize Party and Military Power

Chapter 70 I Call Long Live Wang Ming 1937

Journalist: “When Wang Ming returned to Yan’an in 1937 with Stalin’s mandate, it must have had a significant impact on you?”

Mao: “Yes, I had received information earlier that Stalin was not confident in my active resistance against Japan, and he wanted to send Wang Ming to Yan’an to supervise my anti-Japanese efforts. The influence of Stalin and the international communist movement was unstoppable, so I had no choice but to reluctantly comply and maintain a facade.”

Journalist: “So you had no choice but to welcome Wang Ming’s return?”

Mao: “Yes, and I deliberately organized a grand welcoming ceremony with over a thousand people at the airport to greet Wang Ming, Chen Yun, and Kang Sheng upon their return. I shook hands with Wang Ming, embraced him, and delivered a passionate speech at the airport to warmly welcome him. I even raised my arm and shouted ‘Long live Comrade Wang Ming!’”

Journalist: “You shouted ‘Long live Comrade Wang Ming,’ but deep down, you didn’t mean it, right? How could you say that?”

Mao: “It was all an act, a performance! How could I not put on a show to make him happy and deceive him temporarily? It was even more important to shout ‘Long live Comrade Wang Ming’ because it was also meant for Stalin in Moscow, assuring him that I would faithfully follow the mandate conveyed by his emissary. Once they were ressured, the pressure on me was relieved.”

Journalist: “How did Wang Ming perform in Yan’an?”

Mao: “I called a Politburo meeting and allowed him to deliver a three-day political report. He conveyed Stalin’s mandate and the directives of the international communist movement, emphasizing the need to prioritize the resistance against Japan and cooperate with Chiang Kai-shek, setting aside all past conflicts and biases. Everyone enthusiastically applauded and unanimously supported his stance. The situation completely leaned towards Wang Ming’s side, so I had no choice but to also indicate my acceptance.”

Journalist: “Didn’t Wang Ming criticize you for emphasizing independence and paying lip service to the anti-Japanese cause?”

Mao: “He didn’t directly criticize me, but when he criticized Liu Shaoqi for overemphasizing independence, it was essentially an indirect criticism of me.”

Journalist: “With Wang Ming’s return, did the leadership lineup undergo changes?”

Mao: “Wang Ming didn’t consult with me and presented a new list of 16 members for the Politburo. I restrained myself from saying anything. I understood that the list he presented had been approved by Moscow; otherwise, he wouldn’t have dared. The list still had me ranked first and Wang Ming second. I deliberately said during the Politburo meeting that Wang Ming should be the leader. Wang Ming insisted that I remain first. There weren’t significant changes in other Politburo members, so it was considered approved.”

Journalist: “So, does that mean you became the General Secretary?”

Mao: “No, everyone agreed not to have a General Secretary. Above the Politburo, we established a Secretariat consisting of five members: myself, Wang Ming, Zhang Wentian, Chen Yun, and Kang Sheng. It became a collective leadership of the five of us, and above the five of us were myself and Wang Ming.”

Journalist: “So, this formed a dual leadership system between you and Wang Ming? You and Wang Ming were like fire and water, how could you work together?”

Mao: “Yes, if Wang Ming and his group had stayed in Yan’an, conflicts would have inevitably arisen between us. Fortunately, they were eager to go to the frontline of the anti-Japanese resistance. After the Politburo meeting, Wang Ming, along with Zhou Enlai, Bo Gu, and others, went to Wuhan to engage with Chiang Kai-shek and jointly fight against Japan. Later, Xiang Ying and Kai Feng also joined as members of the Politburo. The Yangtze River Bureau was established, also known as the Second Politburo. Veteran leaders such as Dong Biwu and Lin Boqu were there, as well as Ye Jianying, Deng Yingchao, Li Kenong, Wu Kejian, Liao Huanxing (Wang Ming’s secretary in Moscow), and others. It was a formidable lineup with a renowned reputation. At that time, the anti-Japanese resistance was in full swing.”

Journalist: “In comparison, it seems like you became relegated to the rear in Yan’an, unnoticed?”

Mao: “Yes, that’s true. However, I wouldn’t resign myself to being neglected. I silently intensified my planning for the next step to counter Wang Ming. My ambition remained unchanged: to persist in expanding and developing my influence as the top priority, with anti-Japanese resistance coming second. Anti-Japanese resistance was just a means for me to expand my influence. The chaotic era of the anti-Japanese resistance provided a great opportunity for me to develop my power. I seized the anti-Japanese cause as a topic to divert attention. My writings were not just perfunctory; they had to be beautifully and compellingly written. I wouldn’t allow myself to be exploited by Stalin; instead, I intended to use Stalin to serve my purpose of fighting against Chiang Kai-shek and seizing power.”